奥巴马亲笔信（汇集19篇）

Barack Obama who is the first black president in America will finish his last term of office soon. He is going to move away the White House and relieve his job as president. I still remember the time when Obama won the election and gave his inspiring speech, he said he wanted to make some changes to America.

Now 8 years have passed, his words have been tested.

Some people think he is a good president even though they don’t think what Obama brought to the country did not make a big difference.

But no one will deny that Obama is very humorous, it is known to all that he likes to watch the TV series. He keeps his eyes on them and sometimes he will play jokes in his personal Facebook. During his last term, he joined the talk show and showed his humor.

美国历史上第一位黑人总统巴拉克奥巴马很快就会完成他的最后任期。

他将离开白宫和卸下他作为总统的工作。我还记得当年奥巴马赢得大选, 发表了鼓舞人心的演讲,他说他想给给美国带来一些改变。

现在8年过去了,他的话会得到检验。有些人认为他是一个好总统,即使他们并不认为奥巴马给国家带来很大的影响。

但没有人会否认,奥巴马很幽默,众所周知,他喜欢看电视连续剧。他一直关注着美剧,有时他会在他的个人脸谱账号上玩笑。在他最后的任期里,他还参加了谈话节目,展示了他的幽默。

[高中英语作文：奥巴马的最后任职期限

习近平指出，中美关系是世界上最重要的双边关系之一。建交36年来，中美关系历经风雨，但始终向前，得到历史性发展。2013年6月我同奥巴马总统在安纳伯格庄园会晤，就共同努力构建中美新型大国关系达成共识。两年多来，中美关系不断取得新进展，给两国人民和世界人民带来许多福祉。中方愿同美方一道，坚持不冲突不对抗、相互尊重、合作共赢，不断拓展双边、地区、全球层面务实合作，以建设性方式管控分歧和敏感问题，推动中美关系始终沿着正确轨道向前发展。

鲍勃在流行音乐界和文化界起到的影响已超过50年。他的第一张唱片基本上都是翻唱老民歌和布鲁斯，所以纽约的学究派民歌界把迪伦视为同一个战壕的战友，谁知他的第二张唱片便背叛了同伴，收录了大量自己的创作，其中就包括那首广为流传的《答案在风中飘》，1963年在华盛顿参加民权运动大游行的鲍勃，俨然成为当时美国新兴的反叛文化的代言人。但随后的第四张唱片《迪伦的另一面》，他便正式告别了抗议民歌，收录的都是反映个人生活和情感的作品。在不断变化中，鲍勃的第五张唱片《回到根源》再次让人震惊——一把插上电的吉它，让他彻底从民谣风改为摇滚乐，而被骂为“民歌的叛徒”。

但是，民谣摇滚教父、反战英雄、音乐界传奇……这些标签在鲍勃眼里“没有一个是靠谱的”，他对主流文化丝毫不感兴趣，“我只是觉得主流文化很落后，是个骗人的把戏。它就像窗外那坚固的冰霜，你不得不穿着笨重的鞋子走在上面。”“我做任何事情唯一的原因就是我喜欢做。如果别人能理解这点的话，那当然很好;但如果他们不能理解，那也没什么。我觉得我可能在一百年后才会被真正理解。我做过的和我正在做的，都是其他人都没有做过的。”迪伦说。

无论是出席格莱美或是参加义卖唱片《天下一家》时，迪伦“几乎总是以一些孤僻不合群、不情不愿的行为而大煞风景。”即便是在总统奥巴马面前也一样。

2010年2月10日，美国总统奥巴马携夫人米歇尔在白宫举行了一场纪念美国人权运动的音乐会，邀请鲍勃献唱《时代变了》。他依然特立独行，非但不参加排练，就连音乐会当天和总统夫妇拍照环节都丝毫不感兴趣，仅有的互动就是礼节性的握手和迪伦离开时报以的一个笑容。奥巴马说“如果他做些别的什么，那他就不是鲍勃·迪伦了。”

这就是鲍勃·迪伦，无论是诗人还是歌手，很多人是听他的歌长大的，包括瑞典学院常任秘书丹尼斯女士。丹尼斯女士在接受各路记者采访时一直在强调诺贝尔文学奖是授予诗人鲍勃·迪伦的，她称鲍勃是一名“音乐诗人”，他的歌曲可以当做诗歌来读。但采访结束后，她还是向记者推荐了鲍勃的专辑《Blonde on Blonde》——专辑中收录了迪伦众多经典作品，也是她本人最喜爱的专辑之一。

《纽约邮报》刊登了一幅批评美国经济政策的漫画，作者用大猩猩来影射新总统奥巴马，新闻集团因此遭到近千美国民权人士围堵。对于美国媒体来说，挖苦总统早已是家常便饭。《纽约时报》就曾旗帜鲜明地提出“凡是总统支持的我们都反对”，用以彰显自己的立场。2003年伊拉克战争打响后，美国国内媒体就曾用大猩猩的身体套上小布什的头像运用在漫画中。但对于奥巴马的批评，因为用了大猩猩这种容易使人和黑人联系上的符号，勾起了人们对于美国历史的沉痛回忆。种族问题一直是美国媒体非常敏感的政治界限。甚至有人开玩笑说，如果你看一个美国大片，无论场景多么血腥，战争多么残酷，剧中的黑人主人公一定能够活到最后，否则将会激起全国的愤怒和抵制。

精要点评：作为“总统”的奥巴马，和作为“黑人”的奥巴马，在美国舆论中的待遇是不一样的。不少人反对这幅漫画，是因为他们反对对作为黑人的奥巴马的歧视，而非反对对作为总统的奥巴马的讥讽。人们所捍卫的，也并非总统的名誉，而是人的平等和尊严。

适用主题：差别、现象背后、歧视与平等、尊严

It’s good to be home. My fellow Americans, Michelle and I have been so touched by all the well-wishes we’ve received over the past few weeks. But tonight it’s my turn to say thanks. Whether we’ve seen eye-to-eye or rarely agreed at all, my conversations with you, the American people – in living rooms and schools; at farms and on factory floors; at diners and on distant outposts – are what have kept me honest, kept me inspired, and kept me going. Every day, I learned from you. You made me a better President, and you made me a better man.

I first came to Chicago when I was in my early twenties, still trying to figure out who I was; still searching for a purpose to my life. It was in neighborhoods not far from here where I began working with church groups in the shadows of closed steel mills. It was on these streets where I witnessed the power of faith, and the quiet dignity of working people in the face of struggle and loss. This is where I learned that change only happens when ordinary people get involved, get engaged, and come together to demand it.

After eight years as your President, I still believe that. And it’s not just my belief. It’s the beating heart of our American idea – our bold experiment in self-government.

It’s the conviction that we are all created equal, endowed by our Creator with certain unalienable rights, among them life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.

It’s the insistence that these rights, while self-evident, have never been self-executing; that We, the People, through the instrument of our democracy, can form a more perfect union.

This is the great gift our Founders gave us. The freedom to chase our individual dreams through our sweat, toil, and imagination – and the imperative to strive together as well, to achieve a greater good.

For 240 years, our nation’s call to citizenship has given work and purpose to each new generation. It’s what led patriots to choose republic over tyranny, pioneers to trek west, slaves to brave that makeshift railroad to freedom. It’s what pulled immigrants and refugees across oceans and the Rio Grande, pushed women to reach for the ballot, powered workers to organize. It’s why GIs gave their lives at Omaha Beach and Iwo Jima; Iraq and Afghanistan – and why men and women from Selma to Stonewall were prepared to give theirs as well.

So that’s what we mean when we say America is exceptional. Not that our nation has been flawless from the start, but that we have shown the capacity to change, and make life better for those who follow.

Yes, our progress has been uneven. The work of democracy has always been hard, contentious and sometimes bloody. For every two steps forward, it often feels we take one step back. But the long sweep of America has been defined by forward motion, a constant widening of our founding creed to embrace all, and not just some.

If I had told you eight years ago that America would reverse a great recession, reboot our auto industry, and unleash the longest stretch of job creation in our history…if I had told you that we would open up a new chapter with the Cuban people, shut down Iran’s nuclear weapons program without firing a shot, and take out the mastermind of 9/11…if I had told you that we would win marriage equality, and secure the right to health insurance for another 20 million of our fellow citizens – you might have said our sights were set a little too high.

But that’s what we did. That’s what you did. You were the change. You answered people’s hopes, and because of you, by almost every measure, America is a better, stronger place than it was when we started.

In ten days, the world will witness a hallmark of our democracy: the peaceful transfer of power from one freely-elected president to the next. I committed to President-Elect Trump that my administration would ensure the smoothest possible transition, just as President Bush did for me. Because it’s up to all of us to make sure our government can help us meet the many challenges we still face.

We have what we need to do so. After all, we remain the wealthiest, most powerful, and most respected nation on Earth. Our youth and drive, our diversity and openness, our boundless capacity for risk and reinvention mean that the future should be ours.

But that potential will be realized only if our democracy works. Only if our politics reflects the decency of the our people. Only if all of us, regardless of our party affiliation or particular interest, help restore the sense of common purpose that we so badly need right now.

That’s what I want to focus on tonight – the state of our democracy.

Understand, democracy does not require uniformity. Our founders quarreled and compromised, and expected us to do the same. But they knew that democracy does require a basic sense of solidarity – the idea that for all our outward differences, we are all in this together; that we rise or fall as one.

There have been moments throughout our history that threatened to rupture that solidarity. The beginning of this century has been one of those times. A shrinking world, growing inequality; demographic change and the specter of terrorism – these forces haven’t just tested our security and prosperity, but our democracy as well. And how we meet these challenges to our democracy will determine our ability to educate our kids, and create good jobs, and protect our homeland.

In other words, it will determine our future.

Our democracy won’t work without a sense that everyone has economic opportunity. Today, the economy is growing again; wages, incomes, home values, and retirement accounts are rising again; poverty is falling again. The wealthy are paying a fairer share of taxes even as the stock market shatters records. The unemployment rate is near a ten-year low. The uninsured rate has never, ever been lower. Health care costs are rising at the slowest rate in fifty years. And if anyone can put together a plan that is demonstrably better than the improvements we’ve made to our health care system – that covers as many people at less cost – I will publicly support it.

That, after all, is why we serve – to make people’s lives better, not worse.

But for all the real progress we’ve made, we know it’s not enough. Our economy doesn’t work as well or grow as fast when a few prosper at the expense of a growing middle class. But stark inequality is also corrosive to our democratic principles. While the top one percent has amassed a bigger share of wealth and income, too many families, in inner cities and rural counties, have been left behind – the laid-off factory worker; the waitress and health care worker who struggle to pay the bills – convinced that the game is fixed against them, that their government only serves the interests of the powerful – a recipe for more cynicism and polarization in our politics.

There are no quick fixes to this long-term trend. I agree that our trade should be fair and not just free. But the next wave of economic dislocation won’t come from overseas. It will come from the relentless pace of automation that makes many good, middle-class jobs obsolete.

And so we must forge a new social compact – to guarantee all our kids the education they need; to give workers the power to unionize for better wages; to update the social safety net to reflect the way we live now and make more reforms to the tax code so corporations and individuals who reap the most from the new economy don’t avoid their obligations to the country that’s made their success possible. We can argue about how to best achieve these goals. But we can’t be complacent about the goals themselves. For if we don’t create opportunity for all people, the disaffection and division that has stalled our progress will only sharpen in years to come.

There’s a second threat to our democracy – one as old as our nation itself. After my election, there was talk of a post-racial America. Such a vision, however well-intended, was never realistic. For race remains a potent and often divisive force in our society. I’ve lived long enough to know that race relations are better than they were ten, or twenty, or thirty years ago – you can see it not just in statistics, but in the attitudes of young Americans across the political spectrum.

But we’re not where we need to be. All of us have more work to do. After all, if every economic issue is framed as a struggle between a hardworking white middle class and undeserving minorities, then workers of all shades will be left fighting for scraps while the wealthy withdraw further into their private enclaves. If we decline to invest in the children of immigrants, just because they don’t look like us, we diminish the prospects of our own children – because those brown kids will represent a larger share of America’s workforce. And our economy doesn’t have to be a zero-sum game. Last year, incomes rose for all races, all age groups, for men and for women.

Going forward, we must uphold laws against discrimination – in hiring, in housing, in education and the criminal justice system. That’s what our Constitution and highest ideals require. But laws alone won’t be enough. Hearts must change. If our democracy is to work in this increasingly diverse nation, each one of us must try to heed the advice of one of the great characters in American fiction, Atticus Finch, who said “You never really understand a person until you consider things from his point of view…until you climb into his skin and walk around in it.”

For blacks and other minorities, it means tying our own struggles for justice to the challenges that a lot of people in this country face – the refugee, the immigrant, the rural poor, the transgender American, and also the middle-aged white man who from the outside may seem like he’s got all the advantages, but who’s seen his world upended by economic, cultural, and technological change.

For white Americans, it means acknowledging that the effects of slavery and Jim Crow didn’t suddenly vanish in the ‘60s; that when minority groups voice discontent, they’re not just engaging in reverse racism or practicing political correctness; that when they wage peaceful protest, they’re not demanding special treatment, but the equal treatment our Founders promised.

For native-born Americans, it means reminding ourselves that the stereotypes about immigrants today were said, almost word for word, about the Irish, Italians, and Poles. America wasn’t weakened by the presence of these newcomers; they embraced this nation’s creed, and it was strengthened.

So regardless of the station we occupy; we have to try harder; to start with the premise that each of our fellow citizens loves this country just as much as we do; that they value hard work and family like we do; that their children are just as curious and hopeful and worthy of love as our own.

None of this is easy. For too many of us, it’s become safer to retreat into our own bubbles, whether in our neighborhoods or college campuses or places of worship or our social media feeds, surrounded by people who look like us and share the same political outlook and never challenge our assumptions. The rise of naked partisanship, increasing economic and regional stratification, the splintering of our media into a channel for every taste – all this makes this great sorting seem natural, even inevitable. And increasingly, we become so secure in our bubbles that we accept only information, whether true or not, that fits our opinions, instead of basing our opinions on the evidence that’s out there.

This trend represents a third threat to our democracy. Politics is a battle of ideas; in the course of a healthy debate, we’ll prioritize different goals, and the different means of reaching them. But without some common baseline of facts; without a willingness to admit new information, and concede that your opponent is making a fair point, and that science and reason matter, we’ll keep talking past each other, making common ground and compromise impossible.

Isn’t that part of what makes politics so dispiriting? How can elected officials rage about deficits when we propose to spend money on preschool for kids, but not when we’re cutting taxes for corporations? How do we excuse ethical lapses in our own party, but pounce when the other party does the same thing? It’s not just dishonest, this selective sorting of the facts; it’s self-defeating. Because as my mother used to tell me, reality has a way of catching up with you.

Take the challenge of climate change. In just eight years, we’ve halved our dependence on foreign oil, doubled our renewable energy, and led the world to an agreement that has the promise to save this planet. But without bolder action, our children won’t have time to debate the existence of climate change; they’ll be busy dealing with its effects: environmental disasters, economic disruptions, and waves of climate refugees seeking sanctuary.

Now, we can and should argue about the best approach to the problem. But to simply deny the problem not only betrays future generations; it betrays the essential spirit of innovation and practical problem-solving that guided our Founders.

It’s that spirit, born of the Enlightenment, that made us an economic powerhouse – the spirit that took flight at Kitty Hawk and Cape Canaveral; the spirit that that cures disease and put a computer in every pocket.

It’s that spirit – a faith in reason, and enterprise, and the primacy of right over might, that allowed us to resist the lure of fascism and tyranny during the Great Depression, and build a post-World War II order with other democracies, an order based not just on military power or national affiliations but on principles – the rule of law, human rights, freedoms of religion, speech, assembly, and an independent press.

That order is now being challenged – first by violent fanatics who claim to speak for Islam; more recently by autocrats in foreign capitals who see free markets, open democracies, and civil society itself as a threat to their power. The peril each poses to our democracy is more far-reaching than a car bomb or a missile. It represents the fear of change; the fear of people who look or speak or pray differently; a contempt for the rule of law that holds leaders accountable; an intolerance of dissent and free thought; a belief that the sword or the gun or the bomb or propaganda machine is the ultimate arbiter of what’s true and what’s right.

Because of the extraordinary courage of our men and women in uniform, and the intelligence officers, law enforcement, and diplomats who support them, no foreign terrorist organization has successfully planned and executed an attack on our homeland these past eight years; and although Boston and Orlando remind us of how dangerous radicalization can be, our law enforcement agencies are more effective and vigilant than ever. We’ve taken out tens of thousands of terrorists – including Osama bin Laden. The global coalition we’re leading against ISIL has taken out their leaders, and taken away about half their territory. ISIL will be destroyed, and no one who threatens America will ever be safe. To all who serve, it has been the honor of my lifetime to be your Commander-in-Chief.

But protecting our way of life requires more than our military. Democracy can buckle when we give in to fear. So just as we, as citizens, must remain vigilant against external aggression, we must guard against a weakening of the values that make us who we are. That’s why, for the past eight years, I’ve worked to put the fight against terrorism on a firm legal footing. That’s why we’ve ended torture, worked to close Gitmo, and reform our laws governing surveillance to protect privacy and civil liberties. That’s why I reject discrimination against Muslim Americans. That’s why we cannot withdraw from global fights – to expand democracy, and human rights, women’s rights, and LGBT rights – no matter how imperfect our efforts, no matter how expedient ignoring such values may seem. For the fight against extremism and intolerance and sectarianism are of a piece with the fight against authoritarianism and nationalist aggression. If the scope of freedom and respect for the rule of law shrinks around the world, the likelihood of war within and between nations increases, and our own freedoms will eventually be threatened.

So let’s be vigilant, but not afraid. ISIL will try to kill innocent people. But they cannot defeat America unless we betray our Constitution and our principles in the fight. Rivals like Russia or China cannot match our influence around the world – unless we give up what we stand for, and turn ourselves into just another big country that bullies smaller neighbors.

Which brings me to my final point – our democracy is threatened whenever we take it for granted. All of us, regardless of party, should throw ourselves into the task of rebuilding our democratic institutions. When voting rates are some of the lowest among advanced democracies, we should make it easier, not harder, to vote. When trust in our institutions is low, we should reduce the corrosive influence of money in our politics, and insist on the principles of transparency and ethics in public service. When Congress is dysfunctional, we should draw our districts to encourage politicians to cater to common sense and not rigid extremes.

And all of this depends on our participation; on each of us accepting the responsibility of citizenship, regardless of which way the pendulum of power swings.

Our Constitution is a remarkable, beautiful gift. But it’s really just a piece of parchment. It has no power on its own. We, the people, give it power – with our participation, and the choices we make. Whether or not we stand up for our freedoms. Whether or not we respect and enforce the rule of law. America is no fragile thing. But the gains of our long journey to freedom are not assured.

In his own farewell address, George Washington wrote that self-government is the underpinning of our safety, prosperity, and liberty, but “from different causes and from different quarters much pains will be taken…to weaken in your minds the conviction of this truth;” that we should preserve it with “jealous anxiety;” that we should reject “the first dawning of every attempt to alienate any portion of our country from the rest or to enfeeble the sacred ties” that make us one.

We weaken those ties when we allow our political dialogue to become so corrosive that people of good character are turned off from public service; so coarse with rancor that Americans with whom we disagree are not just misguided, but somehow malevolent. We weaken those ties when we define some of us as more American than others; when we write off the whole system as inevitably corrupt, and blame the leaders we elect without examining our own role in electing them.

It falls to each of us to be those anxious, jealous guardians of our democracy; to embrace the joyous task we’ve been given to continually try to improve this great nation of ours. Because for all our outward differences, we all share the same proud title: Citizen.

Ultimately, that’s what our democracy demands. It needs you. Not just when there’s an election, not just when your own narrow interest is at stake, but over the full span of a lifetime. If you’re tired of arguing with strangers on the internet, try to talk with one in real life. If something needs fixing, lace up your shoes and do some organizing. If you’re disappointed by your elected officials, grab a clipboard, get some signatures, and run for office yourself. Show up. Dive in. Persevere. Sometimes you’ll win. Sometimes you’ll lose. Presuming a reservoir of goodness in others can be a risk, and there will be times when the process disappoints you. But for those of us fortunate enough to have been a part of this work, to see it up close, let me tell you, it can energize and inspire. And more often than not, your faith in America – and in Americans – will be confirmed.

Mine sure has been. Over the course of these eight years, I’ve seen the hopeful faces of young graduates and our newest military officers. I’ve mourned with grieving families searching for answers, and found grace in Charleston church. I’ve seen our scientists help a paralyzed man regain his sense of touch, and our wounded warriors walk again. I’ve seen our doctors and volunteers rebuild after earthquakes and stop pandemics in their tracks. I’ve seen the youngest of children remind us of our obligations to care for refugees, to work in peace, and above all to look out for each other.

That faith I placed all those years ago, not far from here, in the power of ordinary Americans to bring about change – that faith has been rewarded in ways I couldn’t possibly have imagined. I hope yours has, too. Some of you here tonight or watching at home were there with us in 2004, in 2008, in 2012 – and maybe you still can’t believe we pulled this whole thing off.

You’re not the only ones. Michelle – for the past twenty-five years, you’ve been not only my wife and mother of my children, but my best friend. You took on a role you didn’t ask for and made it your own with grace and grit and style and good humor. You made the White House a place that belongs to everybody. And a new generation sets its sights higher because it has you as a role model. You’ve made me proud. You’ve made the country proud.

Malia and Sasha, under the strangest of circumstances, you have become two amazing young women, smart and beautiful, but more importantly, kind and thoughtful and full of passion. You wore the burden of years in the spotlight so easily. Of all that I’ve done in my life, I’m most proud to be your dad.

To Joe Biden, the scrappy kid from Scranton who became Delaware’s favorite son: you were the first choice I made as a nominee, and the best. Not just because you have been a great Vice President, but because in the bargain, I gained a brother. We love you and Jill like family, and your friendship has been one of the great joys of our life.

To my remarkable staff: For eight years – and for some of you, a whole lot more – I’ve drawn from your energy, and tried to reflect back what you displayed every day: heart, and character, and idealism. I’ve watched you grow up, get married, have kids, and start incredible new journeys of your own. Even when times got tough and frustrating, you never let Washington get the better of you. The only thing that makes me prouder than all the good we’ve done is the thought of all the remarkable things you’ll achieve from here.

And to all of you out there – every organizer who moved to an unfamiliar town and kind family who welcomed them in, every volunteer who knocked on doors, every young person who cast a ballot for the first time, every American who lived and breathed the hard work of change – you are the best supporters and organizers anyone could hope for, and I will forever be grateful. Because yes, you changed the world.

That’s why I leave this stage tonight even more optimistic about this country than I was when we started. Because I know our work has not only helped so many Americans; it has inspired so many Americans – especially so many young people out there – to believe you can make a difference; to hitch your wagon to something bigger than yourselves. This generation coming up – unselfish, altruistic, creative, patriotic – I’ve seen you in every corner of the country. You believe in a fair, just, inclusive America; you know that constant change has been America’s hallmark, something not to fear but to embrace, and you are willing to carry this hard work of democracy forward. You’ll soon outnumber any of us, and I believe as a result that the future is in good hands.

My fellow Americans, it has been the honor of my life to serve you. I won’t stop; in fact, I will be right there with you, as a citizen, for all my days that remain. For now, whether you’re young or young at heart, I do have one final ask of you as your President – the same thing I asked when you took a chance on me eight years ago.

I am asking you to believe. Not in my ability to bring about change – but in yours.

I am asking you to hold fast to that faith written into our founding documents; that idea whispered by slaves and abolitionists; that spirit sung by immigrants and homesteaders and those who marched for justice; that creed reaffirmed by those who planted flags from foreign battlefields to the surface of the moon; a creed at the core of every American whose story is not yet written:

Yes We Can.

Yes We Did.

Yes We Can.

Thank you. God bless you. And may God continue to bless the United States of America.

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莱米尔是美国伊利诺伊州葛曼小镇一位中学生，暑假里，她报名参加了一个数学特训班，这是一个非常严格的特训班，每天都有大量的特训课以及家庭作业。为了督促学生们能够顺利完成家庭作业。特训班都规定要让家长检查批改一遍作业，并且签上自己的名字。

8月18日，莱米尔的父母有事情去了纽约，并且要在那里逗留两天，这两天她就和爷爷生活在一起。下午，莱米尔做好了作业，却没有人为她检查批改，因为她的爷爷只读过几年书，根本无法检查她的作业，怎么办才好呢?莱米尔着急了。

没多久，小镇上突然热闹了起来，她走出门口一看，竟然是总统奥巴马来到了小镇上，他与人们亲切地谈着天，聊着生活状况。4年一度的总统大选临近了，奥巴马此次乡村亲民之旅，也正是为拉票而来。就在这时，莱米尔突然冒出一个大胆的想法——让总统批改作业!

莱米尔拿着作业本向奥巴马跑去，可是却被保镖们拦住了，莱米尔说：“我有事情找总统，我想让总统帮我批改作业!”

那几位保镖听后差点笑了起来：“总统是给你批改作业的人吗?你快去找你的老师或父母吧，别在这里妨碍总统工作!”

莱米尔见保镖阻拦，就找机会绕过保镖飞快地跑到奥巴马的身边说：“总统先生，我想请你帮我批改作业，然后签上你的名字，这样，我就能向老师证明这是我当天完成的作业了!”接着，她告诉奥巴马说自己的父母去了纽约。

奥巴马听后，有点为难地说：“可是，我正在做比为你批改作业更为重要的事，你觉得我现在应该放开手中的工作，帮你批改作业吗?”

莱米尔说：“你是总统先生，你的工作就是为每一个美国人民服务，对吗?既然这样，还分什么重要不重要?”

上世纪60年代中期的某一天，在印度尼西亚首都雅加达，不到10岁的巴拉克·奥巴马回到家，额头上顶着一个鸡蛋般大小的肿包。他刚与一名偷了他朋友足球的小男孩狠狠干了一架，结果被对方用石头砸了头。感觉委屈又丢脸的奥巴马在院子里找到了继父罗洛·苏托洛，并向他哭诉说：“这不公平。”继父只是轻轻地安抚他，几乎不发一言。

你想成为哪种男人?

一天之后，苏托洛拿着两副拳击手套出现，并把其中一副给了奥巴马。“你要记住的第一件事就是保护你自己，”苏托洛在开始教奥巴马练拳前这样说，“手要一直抬高，身体不断移动，但要放低，别让自己成为靶子。”奥巴马按照继父的指导灵活地跳跃腾挪，学习挥拳。不过一时的大意让他忘记了防护，而代价让他印象深刻。“我感觉下巴狠狠挨了一拳，然后我抬头看到苏托洛一脸大汗淋漓，”奥巴马回忆说。

半小时后，筋疲力尽的父子俩走到一个池塘旁的水缸旁，汲水解渴。苏托洛向奥巴马娓娓道出了这堂拳击课的真正用意——让奥巴马学会如何在困难而危险的世界生存。“一些男人利用其他男人的弱点，他们之间就像国家之间一样。强壮的男人攫取弱小的男人的领土。他们让那些弱者为其劳作。假如那些弱者的女人很漂亮，强者同样会占为己有。”奥马巴在1995年出版的自传《源自父亲的梦想》中讲述了继父给他上的这一课。“你想成为哪种男人?”苏托洛这样问奥巴马。

奥巴马当时没有回答，但在接下来的40年里，他用自己的行动为继父的这个问题作答。“我对这件事的印象非常鲜明，我的继父是个好人，他所教给我的东西令我受益匪浅，”奥巴马8月14日在接受美国《新闻周刊》记者采访时说，“其中一个就是他对这个世界的运行法则的冷静分析。”

填补父亲的“缺席”

当奥巴马8月27日正式获得民主党总统候选人提名时，关于他能否在与麦凯恩的对决中表现出足够强硬的疑虑仍在。尽管他刚刚选择了以好斗闻名的拜登作为竞选搭档，并给民主党注入一股新鲜的斗志，但奥巴马还是摆脱不了人们对他的一种固有看法——太理智、太精英、太温和……以致难以战胜麦凯恩。

然而抛开政治不说，从奥巴马的个人成长经历上，他的确是个不折不扣的强者。奥巴马的父亲老奥巴马是一名肯尼亚人，在美国留学时遇到了奥巴马的母亲、美国白人安·邓纳姆。两人结婚时，邓纳姆才18岁。当奥巴马还在蹒跚学步时，老奥巴马拒绝了足以维持一家人生活的纽约大学奖学金，选择去哈佛大学攻读经济学博士学位。毕业后，老奥巴马带着哈佛同学露丝回到了肯尼亚，抛弃了奥巴马母子。

邓纳姆后来嫁给了印尼石油公司的经理罗洛·苏托洛，并带着6岁的奥巴马跟苏托洛去了印尼。奥巴马在那里度过了4年童年时光。当苏托洛告诫奥巴马“要保护自己”时，他获得了人生中最重要的经验之一。小小的奥巴马学会武装自己，坚定地向他选择要加入和掌控的世界迈进。

事实上，奥巴马一上小学就展现出了与生俱来的“领袖风范”，尽管他在印尼只是个“外国人”。从一年级时，奥巴马就开始负责在进教室前维持秩序，“排队”、“看齐”、“立正”，同学们也很自然地听从他的指挥。他的一名女老师这样评价这个孩子：“他总想成为第一，站在最前面。从心理上来说，他有领导欲。”有时，奥巴马的朋友们发生争执时也会找他作仲裁。“他会抓住一个朋友的手，再抓住另一个的手，硬拉着他们握手，重归于好，”奥巴马在雅加达的一名儿时玩伴回忆说。

奥巴马承认自己确实喜欢发号施令。他记得自己小时候对妈妈和妹妹玛雅总是要求很苛刻。“我责备玛雅一整晚地看电视，而不去读我给她借的书。我还对我妈妈大讲道理，说她所工作的那样的国际组织和国外捐赠者让第三世界国家产生了依赖思想。”从某种意义上，奥巴马在不自觉地填补着父亲离开后留下的空位，不管是对母亲、妹妹还是对自己。

THE PRESIDENT: Hello. My name is Shelly Ortiz -- oh, wrong page. (Laughter.) I was just teasing. I knew I wasn’tShelly Ortiz. (Laughter.) Everybody give Shelly a big round of applausefor the great work. (Applause.) Thank you so much. Thanks for not only the introduction, but forthe beautiful video that you made about your dad. Us dads, we get pretty touched by stuff likethat.

And I am thrilled that all of youare with us for our first-ever White House Student Film Festival. And I know we’re running a little bitlate. It’s not because the projector wasnot working. It was because of me. But I appreciate all of you guys being hereand your patience.

The Academy Awards are not untilSunday, but, as you can see, we’ve brought the Oscars to the White House alittle bit early. And I want to thankour partners: Fox, National Geographic,and the American Film Institute. We’vegot the red carpet, we’ve got the big screens, the opening monologue. The only difference is nobody asks what you’rewearing. (Laughter.)

And we’ve got Bill Nye, theScience Guy -- (applause) -- and Neil deGrasse Tyson from the HaydenPlanetarium -- (applause) -- who might even give you a sneak peak of his newshow, COSMOS, if everybody behaves themselves. (Applause.) I saw the originalversion -- I’m a little older than all of you -- and it was spectacular andwonderful, and I know this is going to be not just as good but evenbetter. And so we’re thrilled withthat. And we’re putting on a big showhere because we’re honoring some remarkable filmmakers.

I’ve said before, I believe, andI hope all of us believe, that every child in America deserves a world-classeducation -- especially in science and technology and engineering and math --because it’s skills like these that made us an economic superpower and builtour middle class. We also need folks whoare studying the arts because our film industry is a huge generator of jobs andeconomic power here in the United States, and it tells us our story and helpsus to find what’s -- our common humanity.

And it’s skills like these thatallowed NASA to announce the other day that we’ve discovered more than 700 newplanets. (Applause.) That’s cool. I mean, we didn’t make the planets, but we -- (laughter) -- we found outthat they were there. And one of theways that we deliver the best education in the world is by empowering ourstudents with the best technology in the world.

To help inspire us, we invitedstudents from across the country to send their videos about how their schoolsuse technology today, how they might use it in the future. So kids got their cameras out and went towork. And we received about 2,500 videos-- 2,500. And we watched them all. I did not personally watch them all, but theWhite House watched them all.

And today, the Oscar goes to --all of you. Because among all theincredible videos we received, yours stood out.And in my official capacity as President,let me just say these movies are awesome. Like all great movies, yours do something special -- they tell astory. They help us understand, in thiscase, the amazing things that are going on in classrooms and how technology isempowering our students and broadening their imaginations and challenging themto dream bigger and reach further.

Now, here is the spoileralert: There is some wonderful stuffgoing on out there. So even before youhave seen some of these films, you need to know that what these filmmakers havedisplayed is the incredible innovation and creativity of this generation comingup.

You’ve got Gabrielle Nafie andMiles Pilchik from SciTech Kids in New York. (Applause.) They showed us thattheir class isn’t just dreaming about going into space, they’re actually goinginto space. They designed densityexperiments and used a 3-D printer to build tiny satellites to hold them. And then they actually launched a giantballoon that carried their satellites up to the edge of space -- very cool --

MS. NAFIE: Thank you. (Laughter.)

THE PRESIDENT: -- so they could collect the data. When I was in elementary school, I was notlaunching satellites into space.

You’ve got Alex Emerson, whoshowed how his 8th grade class at Brookwood School in Massachusetts changed thedefinition of “pen-pals” by video-chatting with students in Uganda. And one of the things they did wascollaborate on cook stoves that help families in rural areas cook safer andwith cleaner energy.

And it doesn’t stop with what’spossible today. These videos show howstudents are imagining the future -- classrooms that are fully accessible toclassmates with disabilities; individualized learning platforms that you cancarry around in your pocket. And that’sthe kind of creativity and imagination we want all our young people to embrace.

We cannot wait to see more ofthat innovative spirit later this year when we host our first ever White HouseMaker Faire. (Applause.) We already have a White House ScienceFair. This new event is going tohighlight how Americans young and old -— tinkerers and inventors —- areimagining and designing and building tools and machines that will open ourminds and power our economy.

We want to bring this spirit --including more technology --into the classroom. And that’s why I launched something we’re calling ConnectED -- ourinitiative to close the technology gap in our schools and connect 99 percent ofAmerica’s students to high-speed broadband Internet within five years. Because when the average American school hasabout the same Internet bandwidth as the average American home but serves 200times as many people, that means our students are at a disadvantage. And when less than 30 percent of our studentshave access to true high-speed Internet in their classroom, while in SouthKorea students have 100 percent, that’s like waving the white flag when itcomes to our global competition. Buthere’s what I think: In a country wherewe expect free Wi-Fi at our coffee shops, then we should demand it in ourschools and in our libraries. (Applause.)

This is not thing we can doalone. And as a consequence, I picked upthe phone and started asking business leaders to help bring our schools andlibraries into the 21st century. Theydid not just answer the call, they came up huge. So, earlier this month, some of our biggesttechnology companies committed to more than $750 million in computers and softwareand broadband access to put our kids and classrooms on the cutting edge oftechnology.

Today, I’m proud to announce thatmore companies are getting on board. Prezi will provide over $100 million in presentation products to helpstudents develop ready-to-work skills in slideshows and creative communication. So give them a big round of applause. We’re very proud of them for that. (Applause.)

And Adobe will make available,for free, more than $300 million in creative and teaching software so that kidscan turn their ideas into films and graphics, and teachers can deliver lessonselectronically. So give Adobe a biground of applause. (Applause.)

If you’re quick at math, which Iknow you are, then you’ll see that this means we’ve delivered over $1 billionin technology commitments to our schools, which isn’t too shabby for one month.But there’s still more to do, and we need even more companies to get onboard. Because, thanks to innovativeschools and teachers and students like all of you, we know what school mightlook like in the century ahead: Classrooms wired to space; students who are fluent in coding and webdesign; teachers collaborating on projects with peers around the world. We’ve always imagined giving every child thechance to learn like that. And withthese private sector partners, we’re helping to make it a reality.

So let me leave you with awonderful example of the difference that technology can make. Kyle Weintraub is a 7th grader at DavidPosnak Jewish Day School in Florida. Andlast year, he was diagnosed with lymphoma, had to move to Pennsylvania fortreatment. In the past, that meant Kylewould have had to leave his school and his friends behind. But every day, Kyle puts on his schooluniform and, without even leaving his room in Pennsylvania, he goes to schoolin Florida because he has a special robot with a high-tech video feed that goesto class for him. And even as he’sgetting medical treatment and fights to get better, Kyle can keep up with hisstudies -- controlling his robot from his computer at home. And through a video feed, Kyle can see hisclassmates; they can see him. So therobot doesn’t just have a name -- they just say, “Hey, Kyle.”

And he can look around theclassroom, move down the hallways, even sit with his friends at lunch. And I know the teachers think this is justextraordinary as well, because if there’s one thing you don’t want to do, isstart a food fight with a robot. (Laughter.) So everybody kind ofseems to be better behaved when Kyle’s robot is around. Kyle is here today. He did not bring hisrobot, but everybody give Kyle a big round of applause. (Applause.)

Kyle’s story is just one exampleof what’s possible when we put our extraordinary technologies to work for ourstudents and our schools. And that’swhat this film festival is about. So toall the young filmmakers out there, remember you’re much better at this thanall that adults. (Laughter.) It’s your imagination and your creativity andyour innovation and your dreams that are going to help this country moveforward.

Keep up the great work. We could not be prouder of you. Your parents are proud of you, I know that,but I am, too. And America is countingon you.

So with that, let’s start theshow. Thank you, guys. (Applause.)

Good afternoon,everybody.

Over the lastseveral days, the United States has been responding to events as they unfold inUkraine. Throughout this crisis, we have been very clear about onefundamental principle: The Ukrainian people deserve the opportunity todetermine their own future. Together with our European allies, we haveurged an end to the violence and encouraged Ukrainians to pursue a course inwhich they stabilize their country, forge a broad-based government and move toelections this spring.

I also spokeseveral days ago with President Putin, and my administration has been in dailycommunication with Russian officials, and we’ve made clear that they can bepart of an international community’s effort to support the stability andsuccess of a united Ukraine going forward, which is not only in the interest ofThe people of Ukraine and the international community, but also in Russia’sinterest.

However, we arenow deeply concerned by reports of military movements taken by the RussianFederation inside of Ukraine. Russia has a historic relationship withUkraine, including cultural and economic ties, and a military facility inCrimea, but any violation of Ukraine’s sovereignty and territorial integritywould be deeply destabilizing, which is not in the interest of Ukraine, Russia,or Europe.

It would representa profound interference in matters that must be determined by the Ukrainianpeople. It would be a clear violation of Russia’s commitment to respectthe independence and sovereignty and borders of Ukraine, and of internationallaws. And just days after the world came to Russia for the Olympic Games,it would invite the condemnation of nations around the world. And indeed,the United States will stand with the international community in affirming thatthere will be costs for any military intervention in Ukraine.

The events of thepast several months remind us of how difficult democracy can be in a countrywith deep divisions. But the Ukrainian people have also reminded us thathuman beings have a universal right to determine their own future.

Right now, thesituation remains very fluid. Vice President Biden just spoke with PrimeMinister – the Prime Minister of Ukraine to assure him that in this difficultmoment the United States supports his government’s efforts and stands for thesovereignty, territorial integrity and democratic future of Ukraine. Ialso commend the Ukrainian government’s restraint and its commitment to upholdits international obligations.

We will continueto coordinate closely with our European allies. We will continue tocommunicate directly with the Russian government. And we will continue tokeep all of you in the press corps and the American people informed as eventsdevelop.

Thanks very much.

我有许多与朋友交往的回忆，但今年暑假我与巴马小朋友的交往最令我难忘。

巴马的小朋友大都长得比较瘦小，比我大四、五岁的孩子长得跟我差不多高，却比我“苗条”很多。他们在盘阳河边长大，从小就学会了游泳，每天傍晚，他们三五成群地来到河里结伴游泳，就算洗过澡了。因为河水只有十七度，妈妈怕我经不住冷，没让我下河，我只能眼巴巴地看着，可真羡慕他们啊！

但有一次，两个巴马小朋友王龙和王昌龙，他们似乎看出了我的心思，拉着我直往外奔。“我们去哪呀？”我疑惑地问。“放心，一个可以让你快乐游泳的地方！”小龙神秘地笑了笑。果然，不一会儿，我们便来到了一处温泉，那是一个小瀑布下形成的一泓池水，我正陶醉在眼前的景象中，忽然昌龙将我轻轻一推，我便落入了温暖的池水中，水花四溅，伴着阵阵笑声飘洒着，我摇晃着双脚站在浅近处的沙石里，而他们早爬上了瀑布上头的岩石，两个燕子跳水转瞬落入瀑布溅起的白沫里……那天，我们像快乐的精灵在大自然妈妈的怀抱里尽情嬉戏。

有两个晚上，他们还给我送来了一份特殊的礼物——萤火虫。关了灯的房间里，萤火虫在床、窗帘、房顶上一闪一闪，就像天上的星星。在他们的“指挥”下，我也拿起了小布袋，小心翼翼地抓来了一只只萤火虫。嘿，还真像一盏小明灯呢！这下，我才真正理解了什么叫“囊萤映雪”了。

和巴马小朋友的交往虽然只有短短的十天，但是他们的“友善”和“真诚”带给我最简单的快乐，也是真正的快乐。如今我回到了上海，但是我不会忘记，在遥远的巴马还有我的两个好朋友。

[难忘巴马作文

贝拉克·侯赛因·奥巴马，1961年8月4日出生于美国夏威夷州，美国民主党籍政治家，第44任美国总统。他是首位拥有黑人血统并且童年在亚洲成长的美国总统，还是唯一一位向穆斯林国家表示友善的美国总统。1991年，奥巴马在哈佛大学获得了“极优等”法律博士学位。2007年2月，正式宣布参加2008年美国总统竞选并于当年顺利当选。2009年，奥巴马获得诺贝尔和平奖。2012年11月6日，第57届美国总统大选中，奥巴马击败共和党候选人罗姆尼，成功连任。

拒绝了美国移民局高薪和房贷的诱惑，1956年8月25日，刘源张从日本舞鹤港乘坐“兴安丸”抵达天津新港，刚开始的想法是去长春第一汽车制造厂搞质量管理。没想到，9月11日钱学森来信邀请他去中国科学院力学研究所新建的运筹学研究室工作。

1957年,我国第一个质量控制研究组在中国科学院力学所诞生，刘源张任该组组长，致力于管理科学的研究、应用与普及。1958年，他响应国家“理论联系实际”的号召到北京国营第一棉纺织厂去实践锻炼。那一年，棉花收成不好，质量下降，厂里提出要“用低级棉纺优级纱”。

厂里的棉花来自全国各地，棉花纤维的长短粗细都不一样，工作的第一步就是把各地棉花的长短粗细程度确定下来。各地棉花样本的测量数据出来以后，刘源张根据所学公式算出来的棉花纤维的长短粗细的范围，引来工人师傅的哄堂大笑。一位老工程师说，他干了一辈子棉花检验工作，从没见过“这么长、这么短、这么粗、这么细”的棉花。后来刘源张才明白，他搞错了公式的适用范围。

从那以后，他就非常注意向工人师傅请教。理论联系实际，奠定了他一生事业的基础。

1976年，“文革”结束后，刘源张去清河毛纺厂搞质量管理。进厂一开始，就提出跟班劳动，一道工序一道工序地学。一年多以后厂里出了个质量问题，生产出来的涤纶面料有“纬印”，即横向颜色一道深一道浅。已对工序谙熟的刘源张经过调查，成功解决了问题。

清河毛纺厂在质量管理上所做的科研和技改受到关注，刘源张的讲座在各地受到欢迎，《人民日报》和《北京日报》都在头版报道了他在清河毛纺厂的工作。

此后，刘源张成了“工厂大夫”，许多企业纷纷要求刘源张担任质量管理顾问，并在他的建议和指导下开始采用这一新的质量管理。一年12个月，他有10个月的时间都在出差。

美国总统奥巴马有两个女儿，玛利亚和萨莎，如今大女儿玛利亚已经15岁了。

一个晚上，奥巴马返回白宫住所时已经超过11点了。他正打算回房睡觉，不经意地发现两个女儿的房间还亮着灯光。

肯定是忘了关灯了。奥巴马轻轻地向女儿的卧室走去，打算帮她们把灯关掉。当他来到房门口时，却隐隐听到两个女儿的说笑声。我的很多同学都有文身了，我也想在我的手臂上文一只蓝色的蝴蝶。大女儿玛利亚说。

姐姐，我觉得金色的更好。小女儿萨莎提出意见。

那就文个金色的蝴蝶吧!

听到这里，奥巴马明白了，大女儿玛利亚想文身了。在美国青少年中，文身是一种非常流行的元素，甚至可以说是一种成人标志。奥巴马虽然知道这一点，但他在这方面比较保守，当然不愿意孩子去文身，至少现在还没有做好同意女儿去文身的准备。

奥巴马打算推门进去告诉她们不能文身，可他转念一想：这样直接进去，女儿会误以为自己故意偷听，这可能会更加激发起女儿想文身的决心!最终，他悄悄地返回到自己的卧室里。

第二天一早，大家围坐在一起吃早餐。奥巴马像突然想起了什么似的，提起嗓门兴奋地说：玛利亚，我昨天看到一个文身广告，那些图案真的非常漂亮，我决定去文身!

总统可以文身吗?玛利亚好奇地问。

没人说总统不可以文身呀!奥巴马一本正经地说，我不仅要自己文身，我还要带你和妈妈一起去文，然后我们亮出自己的文身拍一张全家福放在网上。

还没等奥巴马说完，玛利亚就大声提出了抗议：你要带我们去文身，还要拍合照放到网上?我不同意，我永远都不会去文身的，你休想带我去!玛利亚显得非常激动，奥巴马在心里笑了。他要的就是这个结果，因为奥巴马知道：在青少年们看来，文身虽然是一件很酷的事情，可如果和自己的爸爸妈妈一起文身，这件事情马上就逊掉了!果不其然，玛利亚很快作出了永远不会去文身的决定，虽然这个永远未必是真永远，但至少在短时间内她是不会想要去文身了。对奥巴马来说，这就够了。再长大几岁，玛利亚如果还想去文身，奥巴马也不会再去管她了。

就这样，奥巴马几乎不费吹灰之力，就巧妙打消了玛利亚要去文身的想法。

美国大选结果出炉后，希拉里·克林顿为什么等到第二天中午才发表败选演讲?据美国保守派网站“Red State”11月10日报道，希拉里当晚情绪崩溃，她一边嚎啕大哭、一边怪责总统奥巴马和联邦调查局(FBI)局长詹姆斯·科米是导致其总统梦碎的罪魁祸首。

希拉里认为FBI局长是导致其总统梦碎的罪魁祸首

希拉里原定于9日上午9点半发表败选演讲，后来推迟到10点半，最后直至11点半才出现在众人面前。通常而言，败选演讲只是说一些套话，不需要太多准备时间。因此，当晚演讲时间一再延迟，被广泛解读为是希拉里需要时间来平复情绪、恢复冷静。

不过，希拉里的情绪似乎很快平复下来。大选结束后第三天，纽约州民众偶然碰见希拉里夫妇一起远足。这位前总统候选人看上去心情不错，她不仅大方地与支持者拥抱，还说了几句轻松的玩笑话。

据希拉里身边的一位消息人士透露，得知自己再次和白宫失之交臂后，希拉里“嚎啕大哭”，她哭得太过伤心以至于旁人很难听清她在说些什么。最后大家终于明白，希拉里是在怪责奥巴马和科米，宣称自己竞选失败都是他们俩造成的。不过，希拉里并非指责奥巴马对其竞选活动的支持力度不够，而是怪他没能阻止科米搞破坏。

“Red State”网站认为这位消息人士的说辞听上去颇为可信，希拉里在民主党第二把交椅的位置上待了太久，她认为总统宝座是自己应得的，“输掉大选必然犹如对着她的肚子狠狠踢了一脚，她需要时间来平复情绪，恢复冷静之前她不宜出现在公众面前”。

支持者：“代表其他人向她道歉”

玛戈特·盖斯特是希拉里的坚定支持者，大选结果令其心碎。为了舒缓心情，10日她背着女儿、牵着爱犬，来到纽约州查帕瓜郊外远足。在那里，她偶然碰见了同样试图通过运动来提振精神的希拉里。

“我听见背后传来悉悉索索的走路声，回头一看，竟然是希拉里夫妇牵着他们的爱犬，他们跟我一样也在远足。”盖斯特在“脸谱网”(Facebook)上记录下了这场奇妙的偶遇，“我走过去拥抱了她，告诉她作为一个母亲带着女儿一起去给她投票，这是我人生中最自豪的时刻之一。”

“她也拥抱了我，对我表示感谢，我们还说了几句轻松的玩笑话。”盖斯特说，希拉里的丈夫比尔·克林顿给她们拍了一张合影，“我不是一个迷信的人，但我认为这场偶遇肯定有某种特殊的寓意。”

这是希拉里发表败选演讲后首次露面。盖斯特偶遇希拉里远足一事在网上被大量转发，网友纷纷留言表示支持和祝愿希拉里。“我真希望我能给她一个拥抱，当面感谢她，”一名网友写道，“代表我们国家其他的人向她道歉。”

品牌本身是故事最好的背书。而奥巴马“浪子回头”、“屌丝”变“高富帅”的成长经历则是其所有故事中最能打动人的那一部分。

奥巴马全名巴拉克·侯赛因·奥巴马二世(Barack Hussein Obama II)，中间名和伊拉克前总统萨达姆·侯赛因(Saddam Hussein)的姓氏相同，姓氏更是与恐怖分子奥萨马·本·拉登(Osama bin Laden)大名仅一字之差。毫无疑问，这不是一个标准的美国名字，字里行间都透漏着一股外来移民的气息。

奥巴马的父亲出生于非洲肯尼亚西部的一个牧民家庭。一个偶然机会，老奥巴马于1960年得以就读美国夏威夷大学。入学不久，24岁老奥巴马就与18岁的白人姑娘雪莉·安·邓汉姆相识并迅速坠入爱河。1961年2月，二人结婚，6个月后生下奥巴马。

两年后，老奥巴马独自前往哈佛大学攻读经济学博士，山高水远，长期两地分居导致夫妻感情破裂。1964年，雪莉以难以忍受“严重的精神折磨”为由提出离婚。老奥巴马没有提出任何异议，双方签署了离婚协议书。随后很长一段时间，为了维持母子生计，奥巴马的妈妈雪莉靠申领救助失业贫困人口的食品券为生。

29岁时，雪莉的第二次婚姻解体，要同时抚养10岁的奥巴马和1岁的同母异父妹妹，明显力不从心。在雅加达读完四年级后，奥巴马被独自送回到夏威夷，转入当地一所名为普纳荷的寄宿学校就读五年级。历史性的巧合，中华民国第一任总统孙中山也曾在此就读。

小学时的奥巴马资质平平，并不是班里最优秀的学生。从小学五年级直至高中毕业，他始终是老师眼中的B等生。虽然并不为老师“重视”，但奥巴马却受到了同学们的“重点照顾”。从入学第一天起，他就要忍受同学如潮的讥讽和嘲笑，在别人眼中，奥巴马是个不折不扣的怪胎，那个洋溢着“非洲屌丝”气质的名字成了同学们攻击奥巴马的“常规武器”。有些同学甚至模仿猴子的叫声来侮辱他，“问候”奥巴马的父亲，称他是食人族。奥巴马对此的回应也充满了孩子气，诈称自己的爸爸是非洲某部落酋长的儿子。

美国的种族歧视曾非常严重，奥巴马父母的黑白通婚也是冒天下之大不韪：雪莉的父母坚决反对女儿嫁给奥巴马，不仅因为他是黑人，更是因为他在赴美前已在肯尼亚结婚生子;而老奥巴马的父亲也反对儿子和一个美国白人女孩儿结婚，声称“我不想让奥巴马家族的血统被一名白人妇女玷污”。

即使如今，在美国的某些领域，种族歧视依然存在。比如在NFL(国家美式橄榄球大联盟)，曾经每只球队的核心球员四分卫基本上都是美国白人，因为传统观念里，四分卫是进攻的发动者和组织者，是球队的大脑，而黑人只能干体力活。

继承了黑人前辈们善打篮球的优良传统，奥巴马也成为了校篮球队的队员。但他在球队中的作用如同他在班上的成绩，同样是B等，即使在随校队夺得州冠军的那个赛季，奥巴马更多的只能是枯坐冷板凳，看守饮水机。

除了肤色和身世，永远无法引起别人注意的奥巴马在高中二年级时开始吸毒。对于这段不堪回首的经历他并没有掩饰，甚至坦承，如果不是过度游手好闲，或许自己可以成为一个篮球好手和优等生。

年轻时吸过毒的经历是奥巴马的自我爆料。这是一种自我拆弹行为，对于奥巴马来说，这一点尤为重要，等于是把一枚定时炸弹给拆除了，再有人拿此做文章已经没有任何杀伤力了：人家自己早就坦诚认错了，你再抓住不放就显得不厚道了。

“要想人莫知，除非己莫为”。很多参加美国大选的政客，对于自己曾经的劣迹，总抱着侥幸心理。要知道，美国大选是世界上动员最广泛的选举，美国也是世界上媒体最发达的国家，候选人的任何瑕疵都会被人肉出来，到那时候，哭都来不及。

在夏威夷度过了苦闷的8年中小学学生涯后，奥巴马终于有机会逃离这个“水深火热”的小岛。大学的前两年,奥巴马是在美国西海岸的加利福尼亚西方学院度过的。但即便进入大学，奥巴马对自己的身世仍然耿耿于怀，人们要么称呼他巴里，要么称呼他奥巴马，有些同学在花名册上看到他的真实姓名后，想叫他巴拉克，却被断然拒绝。那时的奥巴马更愿意让人们叫他“巴里”——一个虽然充满孩子气的但却“很美国”的名字。对于自己的出身，奥巴马依旧非常敏感，当同学或老师问及他的早年生活或家庭情况时，他总是不愿启齿。

奥巴马就读的加州西方学院是一所典型的迷你大学，学生只有1600人，连他在夏威夷的母校——普纳荷人数的一半都不到。但即便在这样一个小圈子里，奥巴马依旧默默无闻。对于美国教育非常看重的社团活动，奥巴马只是偶尔参加，表现也乏善可陈。

奥巴马曾参加过一次西方学院反对种族隔离的政治集会。集会安排了奥巴马发言，但那却是一次失败的露面，很多人因为他的声音太低连他说了些什么都没听清。这个有学校近1/5学生参加的活动，校报在事后的报道中甚至连奥巴马的名字都没有提到。而大多数人的记忆仅仅是“他还没讲多久，就有两名白人学生扮成南非警察，按照预先安排好的桥段，把他从讲台上拖走了——奥巴马时间还没开始就已经结束了。”

跟绝大多数大学生一样，大学时代的奥巴马也陷入了青春期迷茫，他甚至不是很确定自己的未来到底想干什么。他幻想过要当一名职业作家，为此还选修了几门创意写作课。虽然在校办文学杂志上发表过几篇诗歌，但即便在学校文学圈里，奥巴马的文学才华也没有得到认可，职业作家梦也就此不了了之。

迷茫无措的奥巴马陷入了毒品的泥淖。他的大二下学期成了“粉状可卡因的春天”，直到大三转学后，他才浪子回头，发誓再也不去“爽一把”。

为了寻找更大的空间，大三时奥巴马转学到美国常春藤名校哥伦比亚大学。“低调”的奥巴马在加州西方学院就这样悄无声息地消失了，同学们甚至都不知道他已经转学。直到十年以后，有人从报纸上看到奥巴马成了《哈佛法律评论》的首位非裔主编时，才想起他就是那个“被扮演的警察拖走”的黑小子。

虽然抱着想出人头地的心态来到哥大，但转学后的奥巴马，除了学习认真一些，没有给新师生留下任何深刻印象。作为转校生，奥巴马并没能住进的学校的学生宿舍，随后两年的求学岁月，他辗转于校外的廉租公寓。这样的离群索居，使奥巴马在同学圈里更加默默无闻。

更加悲催的是，几十年后才泛滥的大学生就业难的问题当时就难住了奥巴马。大学一毕业，同学们纷纷加入法学院、研究生院或投资银行的培训生计划，而选择了做社区组织工作的奥巴马，求职信却无一例外地石沉大海。在苦等几个月后，囊中羞涩的奥巴马不得不去一家咨询公司做搜集数据、，研究外汇走势的工作。这不仅与他的梦想，甚至与他的专业都相距甚远，而且工资极低，远不够偿还他上大学的助学贷款。

一年后，奥巴马离职，转入社区基层组织工作。3年后的1988年，奥巴马重回大学校园，进入哈佛大学法学院攻读研究生课程，旧的助学贷款还没有还完，奥巴马又背负上了新的贷款。

直到1996年，奥巴马当选伊利诺伊州参议员，才开始在政界崭露头角。

2004年，奥巴马当选美国联邦参议员。

2008年，奥巴马当选美国总统。

一个政治生涯只有12年的菜鸟;一个干过初级数据搜集员、吸过毒的B等生;一个除了公民选举权外，无任何政治根基的黑人小子……即使是最大胆的好莱坞编剧，也无法想象，奥巴马会创世纪般地成为美国总统。

但奥巴马真的成为了美国历史上首位黑人总统、也成为了美国历史上最年轻的总统之一……

奥巴马是故事营销的高手，他深刻懂得自己的成长经历最能打动人心。所以，他总是不厌其烦地讲述那段在别人看来不堪回首的岁月。在他的第一本传记《Dreams from My Father》(《我父亲的梦想》)中，奥巴马更是大胆承认自己有过的迷茫、愤怒、在白人和黑人身份认同之间的摇摆不定、在现实中的苦苦挣扎、对毒品的依赖……这一切看似为自己抹黑，但其实都是奥巴马精心设计的桥段——一个浪子回头的故事、一个好莱坞似的美国梦成功故事。父辈的梦想、迷惘的童年总是挂在奥巴马的嘴边。但毫无疑问，他独特的成长经历，他那“速成的美国梦”故事打动了无数选民。

从依云水治疗受伤士兵到香奈儿与梦露的故事;从同仁堂的“仁行天下”到海尔砸冰箱;从丰田的“安东”拉绳到奥巴马的草根经历……政治营销和品牌营销如出一辙，故事越是曲折越能动人心弦。

暑假的一天，我、爸爸、还有表弟一家一起去世界著名长寿之乡——巴马旅游。巴马最好玩的地方要数百魔洞了。

在去百魔洞的小路上，我看见一条小河，那条小河清澈见底，河面上很干净小河从上面往下流，留在层层叠叠的梯田上，形成了一个自然美丽的水梯。爸爸告诉我，人们来巴马这里长寿就是到这里来吸氧的，因为这里环境优美，树木繁多，是一个天然“氧吧”。

走着走着，我们终于来到了百魔洞。听导游说，这个洞有四层，有三个洞。洞里有许许多多、千奇百态的钟乳石和岩石。钟乳石的表面很光滑、晶莹透亮，上面仿佛有一层水珠。彩灯的照耀下，钟乳石变得五颜六色、闪闪发光，美丽极了！这里的岩石奇形怪状，有的像一匹正在向我们腾空飞奔而来的骏马；有的像一位仙女在跳着优美的舞蹈，好像是在欢迎我们来巴马玩；还有的像一位老寿星坐在一棵高大古老的榕树下笑呵呵地欢迎我们来这么优美的地方游玩······看着看着，我都被那美丽的景色给陶醉了。看到每一处景物，都有一种恋恋不舍的感觉。每一层洞都有极多不同怪异的动物和人物，让人浮想联翩······

最好玩的要数最后一个洞了。站在洞口，从正面看，洞里的景色像一幅绚丽多彩的画。这幅画后面有一个小通道，路面比较宽，但是有只“猪八戒”站在路边，又大又圆的肚子挡住了整个路面，真滑稽！我心想：猪八戒可能是故意用肚子挡我们的路吧。虽然猪八戒用肚子挡我们的路，可是，我们始终没有放弃，而是从猪八戒肚子下面的一条小路小心翼翼地低着头走了过去。

玩遍了整个百魔洞之后，我们就一起恋恋不舍地离开了巴马坐车回家了。

啊，巴马百魔洞，你真是美丽的人间仙境！

[巴马百魔洞游记作文

据美国《华盛顿时报》2日报道，奥巴马政府时期的国防部官员罗萨•布鲁克斯近日提出了通过军事政变来解除特朗普权力的惊人想法。

在一篇写给《外交政策》杂志的社论中，布鲁克斯公开表示，将美国历史上引发争议最多的总统之一——特朗普驱逐下台的唯一选择，就是发动军事政变。

布鲁克斯写到，“特朗普上台后第一周的表现已经让所有事情都明朗起来：是的，他就像所有人担心的那样疯狂，直到最近我都在说，有一种美国历史上无法想象的可能性存在：军事政变，或者至少是军方官员拒绝服从某些命令。”

相关新闻：美司法部要求推翻移民禁令限制令 遭上诉法院驳回

2月5日，据美国广播公司报道，美国法庭否决了立即重启总统特朗普禁令的请求。

据外媒报道，美国司法部当地时间4日针对暂停特朗普移民禁令的裁决向联邦上诉法院提起上诉，要求立即推翻该裁决。5日，上诉法院拒绝了这一上诉请求。

特朗普发出推特说，联邦法官詹姆斯‧罗巴特(James Robart)做出的裁决“荒唐”，“实质上否定了”美国的执法权力，这一裁决“将被推翻”。

当地时间3日，美国西雅图的联邦法官罗巴特下令，全国暂缓执行总统特朗普签署禁止7个穆斯林国家公民入境的禁令。这是近期多起反对禁令的官司中，涉及范围最广的一次。

罗巴特做出裁决，称特朗普的禁令不符合宪法，否定特朗普政府的代理律师的辩辞称美国各州政府无权挑战特朗普政府的行政命令这一说法。

随后，几家大航空公司宣布允许早已订好机票符合规定但在被7个禁止入境美国的国家的公民登机前往美国。

这次裁决被视为是对特朗普政府的一大挑战，但白宫发布声明说，美国司法部准备挑战这一禁令。

上周特朗普的移民禁令触发大规模示威和在美国多个机场引起混乱，美国国务院称至今6万签证被废除。

他的生父是首批进入夏威夷大学的非洲学生，这位来自肯尼亚的留学生吸引了他的母亲，一个美丽的白人少女。相识数月后，两人奉子成婚，因为亲友们反对这桩婚事，他们结婚时根本没通知亲友。但他出生两年后，生父却带着另一个女子回到了祖国。母亲做了那个年代大多数女子不会做的事情——嫁给一个非洲男人、生下他的孩子并且离婚。尽管她以后的生活会非常艰难，但母亲却义无反顾。他后来都说，母亲的性格实在是敢爱敢恨。

离婚后母亲带着他艰难地生活着。后来，母亲认识了继父，一个来自印尼的留学生，于是他们迁到印尼生活。在雅加达郊区，道路上到处是坑，通货膨胀严重，学校里的小伙伴把有着黝黑皮肤、满头卷发，再加上一副肥胖身材的他喊做“黑鬼”。他跑回家向母亲要钱买香皂，想洗掉皮肤的黑色，但母亲告诉他做黑人一点也不需要自卑。

后来，他被送到美国夏威夷，在外祖母的监护下成长。由于他头脑聪明，考上了当地最好的学校。这所学校白人小孩占多数，只有三个黑人小孩，这次他又对自己的肤色产生了严重怀疑，而亲人间的无意举动，更加深了他对肤色的恐惧。

那天傍晚，外祖母很生气地回到家，抱怨等车时遇到一个乞丐，她给了他一美元，但他觉得不够，继续要，她非常恐惧。他好奇地问，以前咱们也遇到过乞丐，你怎么没有害怕过?外祖母气呼呼地说，可这次遇到的是黑人啊!

他呆住了。外祖母脸上自然流露出的对黑人的嫌恶之感深深刺痛了他的心灵，他怀疑如果自己不是她的外孙，她会像讨厌垃圾一样讨厌他。为了让自己自信一些，他向同学们吹嘘说父亲是非洲王子，他自然也是王室后裔。奇怪的是，同学们相信了他的鬼话，他开始神气活现地和人交往。自信又自卑，看似快活实则痛苦迷茫，这就是他当时的心理写照。

很快，叛逆期来了。十几岁的他成了一个瘾君子，他和任何一个绝望的黑人青年一样，不知道生命的意义何在。家境是贫穷的，肤色是被人嘲笑的，前途是无望的，成功的道路曲折得连路都找不着。他过了一段荒唐的日子，做了很多愚蠢的事，比如逃学、吸毒、泡妞等，成了一个不折不扣的“坏小子”。没人知道拿他怎么办，许多老师都预言：美国所有州的监狱随时向他敞开!

这时，母亲为了考取博士学位，主动到印尼进行人类学工作。他很奇怪母亲的行为，母亲却告诉他，做人要有追求，做自己喜欢的事情并且有益于他人，这样才能获得真正的快乐。他一下子就“顿悟”了，重拾丢失已久的梦想——虽然我是个黑人，但我要赢得你们的尊敬。

他认同了自己的黑人身份，努力学习，在考取哥伦比亚大学的同时，还效仿母亲到社区里做义工。他发现，帮助别人真的能获得快乐，尤其是帮助那些弱势的人，自己更能获得成就感和愉悦感。

所以，大学毕业后，他只在华尔街做了两年的高薪工作，便义无反顾地到芝加哥黑人社区从事社区服务工作。所做的都是些小事，社区的道路、照明、房屋修缮、劳资关系协调等等，尽管琐碎庸常，并且薪水很低，但他事无巨细做得很认真。凭此良好的记录，他考上了哈佛大学法学院攻读法学博士学位。他像母亲一样，开始为让更多的人幸福而忘我工作。

然而母亲却在这时患癌症去世了。去世前，她完成了长达1000页的博士论文，对印尼农民的分析详细切实，让他读起来心潮澎湃。他在处理母亲后事时发现，在印尼，母亲和周围的人有着极佳的关系。虽然母亲没有给他留下任何遗嘱和遗产，但他却认为，母亲的精神——自信、充满干劲、敢爱敢恨以及极佳的人缘，是多少金钱也代替不了的宝藏。

凭借母亲留给他的精神，他迅速在政坛崛起。在社区工作的经历，不仅帮他进入哈佛大学学习，还帮他打败了多名有财有势的对手，成功获选参议员。当他决定竞选美国总统时，这段经历又一次帮助了他。

他自己都没想到，当年冒牌非洲王子后裔的他，有一天居然能成为美国总统。他想到当初自己沉沦时母亲说的话。她说：奥巴马，我觉得你父亲是最帅最聪明的黑人，现在，你代替了他。

从一个“黑小子”、“坏小子”到美国总统，奥巴马的成长经历可谓是一部活生生的励志片。主演是他，但导演，却是他的母亲。我想，许多人都和奥巴马一样，有过自卑和叛逆，有过彷徨和迷茫，然而奥巴马很幸运，他从母亲身上学到了人生的真谛：对社会的贡献才是衡量一个人生命价值的真正尺度。我相信，我们如果能把握住这个尺度，我们的生命也会和奥巴马一样，快乐且丰富多彩。

巴马名气已经很大了。很多人会去这个世界上长寿人口最密集的地方买个房子，却没有时间去住。

我们不妨把这个风景优美的地方和夸张的长寿愿望分开，而是去安静地享受这里的山和水。正因为有好的山水和看山水的心境，才让这些村民健康地活到100岁以上。都市人大多习惯于制造一个很精致的杯子去盛水喝，其实往往等到杯子造好的时候，水已经没有了。

同样在广西河池，毗邻巴马很近的地方，还有一处世外桃源叫凤山，比巴马风景更无敌，长寿人数也同样很多，却很少有人知道。

10月28日电 据外媒报道，当地时间27日，NBA新赛季的揭幕战迎来一位意想不到的观众。回到家乡的美国总统奥巴马，在现场观看了芝加哥公牛队与克里夫兰骑士队的比赛。

奥巴马在比赛第一节结束时抵达赛场，他与前排的观众握手，并向其他观众挥手致意。美国总统没有戴领带，并且脱掉了西装外套，卷起衣袖和其他观众一同鼓掌。

在稍后的休息时间，一个篮球滚过奥巴马身边，他将球捡了起来，扔回赛场的另一边，赢得了观众们热烈的欢呼。

奥巴马与老朋友马蒂·内斯比特坐在一起，边看球边聊天。中场休息时，他还与一些热情的球迷合影留念。

最终，公牛队97-95险胜骑士，成为揭幕战赢家。