完整

谁说完整才算完美，谁说破碎只能心碎！纷飞的晶莹不只是眼泪，残缺也是另一种美！

我不知道真正的完美需要怎样来定义！我更不知道自己是否能做好完美的自己，但是，我从来不会因为自己的一丝缺点而感到自卑，也不会因为自己的一次无心之过而郁郁寡欢。

有句话是这样说的：没有美貌，可以有健康相伴；没有健康，可以有才学相随；没有才学，可以有机敏想跟……正所谓山有山的巍峨，水有水的柔美！生活中的你我他也有着自己的个性，不能为了他人而改变，不能为了随波而逐流！

世上有完美的人吗？

不知道！真不知道！

如果这个答案是所有的人的话，那在这个世界上就没有绝对完美的人！既然大家都不完美，那你还自卑什么！没有人有资格笑话别人，那样只能算是五十笑百！

……

因此，我们能做的就是做好自己，今天，明天……

你可以，日行一善；你可以，笑对人生；

你也可以，用自己的每一个微笑点缀身边的世界；

你还可以，将自己的付出注满不求回报的真诚……

这，才是真正的完美！

一个人，不管外表漂亮得到了什么程度，内心深处总会有她缺陷的一面。即使我们不去论及内心的好坏，只追求那外在的美，可是三十年后，你是否春光犹在？四十年后，五十年后呢……任何外表的完美都会垂垂老去，真正不会衰老的是内心的善意，是宽广的胸怀，是健康的心性……

泰山奇，华山险，黄山高绝，峨眉秀丽，不同的事物总有其独有的特性，而街头巷尾的每一个人也都是一方特有的风景。你有芙蓉如面柳如眉，我为腹有诗书气自华；你是大家闺秀，温文尔雅，我是小家碧玉，秀丽透明；你驰骋政坛，跃马商场，我琴棋书画，天下奇绝……人活于世，自有其价值，勿要以己之短，比人之长，积极发现自己的长处，敢于展现自己的优点，于微末中寻求自信，在平凡间拥有平和，做人，要懂得欣赏自己，宽容别人……

朝阳初起，你所拥有的是新的开始；星光微现，你所面对的是一种平和。完美的心态才能铸就完美的人生，不去斤斤计较，不想睚眦必报……当百川在你胸怀中汇聚成大海，你的世界也真正的变得辽阔！

完美的世界，尽在你的一念之间！

所以，最后我想说：

心中常存善意，完美即满人生！

[不完整也能完美作文

【2015湖南卫视】湖南卫视2015年小年夜春节晚会名单：快乐家族和天天兄弟，李易峰、李宇春、鹿晗、张杰、tfboys、陈翔、陈洁仪、胡彦斌、陆毅、黄磊、曹格、杨威、陈学冬、小宋佳。大张伟、凤凰传奇、朴信惠、李钟硕、吴奇隆、刘诗诗、周杰伦、昆凌、陈洁仪、C.N.Blue、李菲儿、白智英、金贵晟、刘一祯、汤非、阿普萨萨、雷佳、王丽达、易少英、黄绮珊、韩磊、李玉刚、TFboys、胡彦斌、瞿颖母女、周晓鸥父子、付笛生一家、郑爽、井柏然、张杰。

羊年伊始，湖南卫视收视屡创新高，喜气洋洋。截止到2月9日为止，湖南卫视已经拿下26个全国全天第一的好成绩，已经热播三季的《我是歌手》收视口碑人气依然稳居第一，真人秀标杆当仁不让。新上档的原创节目《奇妙的朋友》来势凶猛，萌萌的动物加上状况不断的明星饲养员，成功吸引观众每周六守候“交个奇妙的朋友”，730节目带的新节目也赢得零差评口碑。在春节期间湖南卫视精英团队加班加点热力奉献给观众全新的节目内容，《我是歌手》、《奇妙的朋友》、《快乐大本营》、《天天向上》、《噗通噗通的良心》、《变形计》各个品牌节目、三台晚会和接档新剧也以全新精彩的内容，在春节期间不断档持续放送精彩给观众，带给观众扑面而来的羊年喜庆向上新鲜的快乐感觉。

从2月9日开始，湖南卫视730节目带的《变形计》和《噗通噗通的良心》将在春节期间带来全新的节目内容，每周五晚十点播出的《我是歌手》将迎来第二位补位歌手韩国歌王郑淳元，他的新鲜加盟将对现有的歌手格局带来怎样的改变?每周六晚十点《奇妙的朋友》也有新的内容报爆笑而来。给大象做指甲，给COCO举办认亲大会，更有明星实习饲养员趣味互动和长颈鹿谈恋爱，萌宠温馨的画面根本停不下来。

刚刚结束《只因单身在一起》的青春进行时，也将在春节期间的每周日和周一晚十点给大家带来新鲜出炉的爱情偶像巨制《相爱穿梭千年》，久违的郑爽牵手井柏然穿梭于汉朝和现代之间，演绎一段千年之恋，唯美的爱情加上影射娱乐圈的精彩剧情，一定能让喜欢看感情戏的妈妈和喜欢看偶像的女儿同时爱上这部作品，坐在一起享受春节喜洋洋的快乐时光。

操办大型晚会一直是湖南卫视的强项。今年除依照惯例转播央视“春晚”之外，湖南卫视还将奉献多台“湘”味十足的大型晚会。其中2月12日晚19:30将为大家送上精心准备的《2015小年夜春晚》，中国人气组合Tfboy和韩国首席型男乐团CNBLU同台竞技，还有杨钰莹、张杰、黄绮珊、陈洁仪等观众熟悉的芒果面孔，为大家带来欢歌妙语。

小年夜晚会之后，湖南卫视在2月19日(农历大年初一)为观众带来一台高端大气的2015年华侨华人春晚。晚会的主创团队是执导过多届金鹰节颁奖晚会的王琴团队，王力宏、古巨基、庾澄庆、王姬、华晨宇、杨钰莹、杨宗纬、李健等诸多艺人相继亮相现场，与诸多华侨代表以及观众共迎新年。3月5日湖南卫视元宵晚会正在紧锣密鼓的筹备中，记者了解到今年的元宵晚会依然热闹又好玩，而参加的明星更是集结2014年各路人气明星，其中还包括热播韩剧《匹诺曹》的男女主演朴信惠和李钟硕。

三台各具特色、人气爆棚、节目内容精心编排又充满春节气氛的晚会所呈现出来的快乐正能量，将填满从小年夜到元宵节长长假期的每个时刻，陪伴观众喜气洋洋欢度春节。

提出建议:

It is high time that we put an end to the (trend).该是我们停止这一趋势的时候了.

It is time to take the advice of … and to put special emphasis on the improvement of …

该是采纳……的建议，并对……的进展给予特殊重视的时候了。

There is no doubt that enough concern must be paid to the problem of …

毫无疑问,对……问题应予以足够的重视.

Obviously, … If we want to do something … , it is essential that …

显然,如果我们想做某事,很重要的是…

Only in this way can we … 只有这样，我们才能……

It must be realized that …我们必须意识到……

预示后果:

Obviously, if we don’t control the problem, the chances are that … will lead us in danger.

很明显,如果我们不能控制这一问题,很有可能我们会陷入危险.

No doubt, unless we take effective measures, it is very likely that …

毫无疑问,除非我们采取有效措施,很可能会……

It is urgent that immediate measures should be taken to stop the situation.

很紧迫的是,应立即采取措施阻止这一事态的发展.

论证

From my point of view, it is more reasonable to support the first opinion rather than the second. 在我看来,支持第一种观点比支持第二种观点更有道理.

I cannot entirely agree with the idea that …我无法完全同意这一观点……

Personally, I am standing on the side of …就个人而言,我站在……的一边.

I sincerely believe that …我真诚地相信……

In my opinion, it is more advisable to do … than to do ….

在我个人看来,做……比做……更明智.

Finally, to speak frankly, there is also a more practical reason why …

给出原因:

This phenomenon exists for a number of reasons. First, … Second, … Third, …

这一现象的存在是有许多原因的.首先，……;第二,，……;第三，……

Why did …? For one thing …，for another …. Perhaps the primary reason is…

为什么会……?一个原因是……，令一个原因是……;或许其主要原因是……

I quite agree with the statement that … The reasons are chiefly as follows.

我十分赞同这一论述,即……，其主要原因如下:

列出解决办法:

Here are some suggestions for handling … 这是如何处理某事的一些建议.

The best way to solve the troubles is … 解决这些麻烦的最好办法是……

People have figured out many ways to solve this problem. 人们已找出许多办法来解决这个问题.

批判错误观点和做法:

As far as something is concerned, … 就某事而言，……

It was obvious that …很显然,….

It may be true that …, but it doesn’t mean that …

可能……是对的,但这并不意味着……

It is natural to believe that …, but we shouldn’t ignore that …

认为……是很自然的,但我们不应忽视……

There is no evidence to suggest that … 没有证据表明……

如何连接

强调 still, indeed, apparently, oddly enough, of course, after all, significantly, interestingly, also, above all, surely, certainly, undoubtedly, in any case, anyway, above all, in fact, especially, obviously, clearly.

比较 like, similarly, likewise, in the same way, in the same manner, equally.

对比 by contrast, on the contrary, while, whereas, on the other hand, unlike, instead, but, conversely, different from, however, nevertheless, otherwise, whereas, unlike, yet, in contrast.

开头：

Recently, the problem of … has aroused people’s concern. 最近,……问题已引起人们的关注.

The Internet has been playing an increasingly important role in our day-to-day life. It has brought a lot of benefits but has created some serious problems as well.

互联网已在我们的生活中扮演着越来越重要的角色.它给我们带来了许多好处,但也产生了一些严重的问题.

Nowadays, (overpopulation) has become a problem we have to face.

如今，(人口过剩)已成为我们不得不面对的问题了.

It is commonly believed that … / It is a common belief that … 人们一般认为……

Many people insist that … 很多人坚持认为……

With the development of science and technology, more and more people believe that…

随着科技的发展,越来越多的人认为……

A lot of people seem to think that … 很多人似乎认为……

引出不同观点:

People’s views on … vary from person to person. Some hold that …. However, others believe that….人们对……的观点因人而异.有些人认为……，然而其他人却认为……

People may have different opinions on …人们对……可能会有不同的见解.

Attitudes towards (drugs) vary from person to person.人们对待吸毒的态度因人而异.

There are different opinions among people as to …关于……，人们的观点大不相同.

Different people hold different attitudes toward (failure). 对(失败)人们的态度各不相同。

结尾

Taking all these factors into consideration, we naturally come to the conclusion that…

把所有这些因素加以考虑,我们自然会得出结论……

Taking into account all these factors, we may reasonably come to the conclusion that …

考虑所有这些因素,我们可能会得出合理的结论……

Hence/Therefore, we’d better come to the conclusion that …

因此,我们最好得出这样的结论……

There is no doubt that (job-hopping) has its drawbacks as well as merits.

毫无疑问,跳槽有优点也有缺点.

All in all, we cannot live without … But at the same time we must try to find out new ways to cope with the problems that would arise.

总之,我们没有…是无法生活的.但同时,我们必须寻求新的解决办法来对付可能出现的新问题.

在对一篇论文构思时，有时会发现需要按时间顺序编写，有时又会需要按地域位置(空间)顺序编写，但更多的还是需要按逻辑关系编写，即要求符合客观事物的内在联系和规律论.文.客.服.QQ，81995535，符合科学研究和认识事物的逻辑。但不管属于何种情形，都应保持合乎情理、连贯完整。有时，构思出现几种写作方案，这就需要进行比较，在比较中，随着思考的不断深化，写作思路又会经历一个由庞杂到单纯，由千头万绪到形成一条明确线索的过程，此时，应适时抓住顿悟之机，按照古人之去"应机立断，须定一途"的精神，确定一种较好方案。

9月1日晚，由中央电视台主播的大型节目《开学第一课》如约而来。看完后，我尤其是震惊世界的二万五千里长征，开始的8.6万多人减少为3万多人，这是多少生命和鲜血呀。

在长征的路途中，会有敌人在前面堵，后面有敌人追，天上有飞机炸，红军只好一边行军一边打仗，很多人都阵亡了，有时候，红军无吃的，无喝的，可为了生存下去，他们只好吃野菜，吃树皮，吃泥土，甚至连自己的皮带也煮了吃。还会在爬雪山时从山上滚到山下，被冰冷的雪盖住，活活地冻死。

这么艰苦的生活，红军不像是个缩头乌龟一样，见到困难就退后。他们斩关夺隘，抢险飞渡，杀退了千万阻力，翻越高耸入云的雪山，跋涉了辽阔无垠的草原，这种神勇艰苦的精神，充分地显示了中国工农红军无比的生命力，表现了共产党领导的军队无坚不摧的战斗力量。

现在长征虽然过去了，可是，长征精神是永远过不去的。

每当我遇到困难时，长征精神就会来激励我。

有一次，我在做一道数学题时，可把我给难住了，它像一座火焰山，挡住了我的去路，也像一个高大无比的巨人，让我难以战胜，还像是一座高大的珠穆朗玛峰，让我难以攀登。我想了半个多小时，还是没有想出来，我正准备放下手中的笔。明天早上找个同学一抄。就在这时候，我想起了长征的事：红军只要有一点时间就来学习，没有课桌，就用石头当课桌，没有笔墨，就用树枝当笔墨，没有本子，就用沙子当本子。在一次战斗中，一位红军见一本教科书要被炸弹炸坏，他连忙扑到了书上，自己牺牲了，而书还是完好无损。我有书有笔，有纸有课桌，难道我还能输给他们，我认真的想啊，最后我终于想出了这道难题。长征精神真像是一个芭蕉扇，扇灭了火焰山的火。也像是一位超人，帮我战胜了高大无比的巨人。还像是一架飞机，带我飞过了珠穆朗玛峰。

长征精神不仅仅是在学习上激励我，它还在生活上帮助我。有一次，我早上跑步，可我跑到半路上时，满头大汗，气喘吁吁。我想休息一会儿再跑。可我想起了红军渡黄河的情景：红军手握铁链，一前一后地攀爬过去。对面的敌人还用枪打他们，可红军并没有逃跑，还是继续攀爬，有的被子弹打中了，可他们没有松手还是一个劲地向前攀爬。我跑步难道有红军渡黄河那么累?这一点累算什么?”我双手前后的摆动着，脚使力的蹬，一边跑一边想：今天我要是跑不到家去，我就不是中国人。”我跑啊跑啊，终于跑到了家。

在以后的日子里,我的困难还有很多，我要用长征精神永远激励着我。

记叙文是用来做什么的?

记叙文的本质特点是故事性，记叙文是用来讲故事的。好的的记叙文正如好的电视剧，情节精彩，故事性强，悬念重重，能引人入胜。有了故事性，才有了记叙文的本质。

故事精彩，记叙文才能吸引人，才能给读者留下深刻的印象。抓住了故事性的记叙文，即便文笔一.��，文章也差不到哪里去。通常情况下，学生写的记叙文不佳，最主要的原因就是故事的框架、选材和情节没有构造好，文章显得平庸乏味。学生写记叙文要从故事性入手，有故事则有内容，有内容才有精彩。高考记叙文写作，成败的关键皆由故事性决定。

优秀的记叙文，往往构思精致巧妙，情节引人入胜，高明的作者都在故事情节的完整及构思的巧妙方面下功夫。记叙文要完整生动地叙述故事，名家名作无不是寓巧妙的情节构思于完整的故事之中。故事的情节是要靠矛盾的发展去推动的，因而情节的发展要有自然性、合理性和完整性。如果片面求新而破坏了故事的完整性，就会得不偿失。

新的一年里，愿你脱去一身的疲惫，将精神振奋;忘却一年的伤心，将快乐装备;抖落一切的郁闷，将朝气携身;愿你沐浴在友谊的阳光下，奋勇前进。祝新年快乐!以下是小编带来的2017年央视春晚节目单，希望对你有帮助。

2017年春晚节目单尚未公布。

相关阅读

2017年央视春晚总导演的人选已基本确定，连续多年参与春晚工作、导演了多台大型晚会的央视资深导演杨东升将出任2017年央视春晚总导演。经过四五个月的悄然筹备之后，2017年央视春晚相关工作正式开始。

记者昨天从央视工作人员处获悉，杨东升执掌2017年春晚的事，早在一个多月前就已经在央视内部确定，等合适的时间正式对外宣布。作为央视大型节目中心的制片人、资深导演，杨东升在央视工作多年，擅长歌舞类节目编导。早在《同一首歌》的孟欣时代，杨东升就与孟欣搭班子导演大型文艺晚会。近年来他多次担任国庆晚会的总导演。杨东升还连续多年进入春晚导演组。

据了解，早在今年4月央视就成立了专门办公室，开始2017年春晚的相关准备工作，语言类节目已经在5月开始启动剧本和节目征集。曾经担任过5届央视春晚总导演的郎昆以及连续担任过十多届央视春晚总策划、总撰稿的秦新民，都已经投身到春晚筹备工作中来，他们与杨东升一起组成2017年春晚导演组的核心层。上个月郎昆还出面组织了一次春晚沟通会，征询相关人士对春晚的意见。目前，春晚相关工作人员已经深入到湖北、湖南、四川、重庆等地进行调研，向基层老百姓征集春晚意见。

“擅长歌舞类节目的杨导，是否会消减语言类节目的分量?”对此，央视工作人员表示，尽管目前谈到具体节目还为时过早，但根据以往情况来看，整台晚会节目占比不会有太大调整。

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It’s good to be home. My fellow Americans, Michelle and I have been so touched by all the well-wishes we’ve received over the past few weeks. But tonight it’s my turn to say thanks. Whether we’ve seen eye-to-eye or rarely agreed at all, my conversations with you, the American people – in living rooms and schools; at farms and on factory floors; at diners and on distant outposts – are what have kept me honest, kept me inspired, and kept me going. Every day, I learned from you. You made me a better President, and you made me a better man.

I first came to Chicago when I was in my early twenties, still trying to figure out who I was; still searching for a purpose to my life. It was in neighborhoods not far from here where I began working with church groups in the shadows of closed steel mills. It was on these streets where I witnessed the power of faith, and the quiet dignity of working people in the face of struggle and loss. This is where I learned that change only happens when ordinary people get involved, get engaged, and come together to demand it.

After eight years as your President, I still believe that. And it’s not just my belief. It’s the beating heart of our American idea – our bold experiment in self-government.

It’s the conviction that we are all created equal, endowed by our Creator with certain unalienable rights, among them life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.

It’s the insistence that these rights, while self-evident, have never been self-executing; that We, the People, through the instrument of our democracy, can form a more perfect union.

This is the great gift our Founders gave us. The freedom to chase our individual dreams through our sweat, toil, and imagination – and the imperative to strive together as well, to achieve a greater good.

For 240 years, our nation’s call to citizenship has given work and purpose to each new generation. It’s what led patriots to choose republic over tyranny, pioneers to trek west, slaves to brave that makeshift railroad to freedom. It’s what pulled immigrants and refugees across oceans and the Rio Grande, pushed women to reach for the ballot, powered workers to organize. It’s why GIs gave their lives at Omaha Beach and Iwo Jima; Iraq and Afghanistan – and why men and women from Selma to Stonewall were prepared to give theirs as well.

So that’s what we mean when we say America is exceptional. Not that our nation has been flawless from the start, but that we have shown the capacity to change, and make life better for those who follow.

Yes, our progress has been uneven. The work of democracy has always been hard, contentious and sometimes bloody. For every two steps forward, it often feels we take one step back. But the long sweep of America has been defined by forward motion, a constant widening of our founding creed to embrace all, and not just some.

If I had told you eight years ago that America would reverse a great recession, reboot our auto industry, and unleash the longest stretch of job creation in our history…if I had told you that we would open up a new chapter with the Cuban people, shut down Iran’s nuclear weapons program without firing a shot, and take out the mastermind of 9/11…if I had told you that we would win marriage equality, and secure the right to health insurance for another 20 million of our fellow citizens – you might have said our sights were set a little too high.

But that’s what we did. That’s what you did. You were the change. You answered people’s hopes, and because of you, by almost every measure, America is a better, stronger place than it was when we started.

In ten days, the world will witness a hallmark of our democracy: the peaceful transfer of power from one freely-elected president to the next. I committed to President-Elect Trump that my administration would ensure the smoothest possible transition, just as President Bush did for me. Because it’s up to all of us to make sure our government can help us meet the many challenges we still face.

We have what we need to do so. After all, we remain the wealthiest, most powerful, and most respected nation on Earth. Our youth and drive, our diversity and openness, our boundless capacity for risk and reinvention mean that the future should be ours.

But that potential will be realized only if our democracy works. Only if our politics reflects the decency of the our people. Only if all of us, regardless of our party affiliation or particular interest, help restore the sense of common purpose that we so badly need right now.

That’s what I want to focus on tonight – the state of our democracy.

Understand, democracy does not require uniformity. Our founders quarreled and compromised, and expected us to do the same. But they knew that democracy does require a basic sense of solidarity – the idea that for all our outward differences, we are all in this together; that we rise or fall as one.

There have been moments throughout our history that threatened to rupture that solidarity. The beginning of this century has been one of those times. A shrinking world, growing inequality; demographic change and the specter of terrorism – these forces haven’t just tested our security and prosperity, but our democracy as well. And how we meet these challenges to our democracy will determine our ability to educate our kids, and create good jobs, and protect our homeland.

In other words, it will determine our future.

Our democracy won’t work without a sense that everyone has economic opportunity. Today, the economy is growing again; wages, incomes, home values, and retirement accounts are rising again; poverty is falling again. The wealthy are paying a fairer share of taxes even as the stock market shatters records. The unemployment rate is near a ten-year low. The uninsured rate has never, ever been lower. Health care costs are rising at the slowest rate in fifty years. And if anyone can put together a plan that is demonstrably better than the improvements we’ve made to our health care system – that covers as many people at less cost – I will publicly support it.

That, after all, is why we serve – to make people’s lives better, not worse.

But for all the real progress we’ve made, we know it’s not enough. Our economy doesn’t work as well or grow as fast when a few prosper at the expense of a growing middle class. But stark inequality is also corrosive to our democratic principles. While the top one percent has amassed a bigger share of wealth and income, too many families, in inner cities and rural counties, have been left behind – the laid-off factory worker; the waitress and health care worker who struggle to pay the bills – convinced that the game is fixed against them, that their government only serves the interests of the powerful – a recipe for more cynicism and polarization in our politics.

There are no quick fixes to this long-term trend. I agree that our trade should be fair and not just free. But the next wave of economic dislocation won’t come from overseas. It will come from the relentless pace of automation that makes many good, middle-class jobs obsolete.

And so we must forge a new social compact – to guarantee all our kids the education they need; to give workers the power to unionize for better wages; to update the social safety net to reflect the way we live now and make more reforms to the tax code so corporations and individuals who reap the most from the new economy don’t avoid their obligations to the country that’s made their success possible. We can argue about how to best achieve these goals. But we can’t be complacent about the goals themselves. For if we don’t create opportunity for all people, the disaffection and division that has stalled our progress will only sharpen in years to come.

There’s a second threat to our democracy – one as old as our nation itself. After my election, there was talk of a post-racial America. Such a vision, however well-intended, was never realistic. For race remains a potent and often divisive force in our society. I’ve lived long enough to know that race relations are better than they were ten, or twenty, or thirty years ago – you can see it not just in statistics, but in the attitudes of young Americans across the political spectrum.

But we’re not where we need to be. All of us have more work to do. After all, if every economic issue is framed as a struggle between a hardworking white middle class and undeserving minorities, then workers of all shades will be left fighting for scraps while the wealthy withdraw further into their private enclaves. If we decline to invest in the children of immigrants, just because they don’t look like us, we diminish the prospects of our own children – because those brown kids will represent a larger share of America’s workforce. And our economy doesn’t have to be a zero-sum game. Last year, incomes rose for all races, all age groups, for men and for women.

Going forward, we must uphold laws against discrimination – in hiring, in housing, in education and the criminal justice system. That’s what our Constitution and highest ideals require. But laws alone won’t be enough. Hearts must change. If our democracy is to work in this increasingly diverse nation, each one of us must try to heed the advice of one of the great characters in American fiction, Atticus Finch, who said “You never really understand a person until you consider things from his point of view…until you climb into his skin and walk around in it.”

For blacks and other minorities, it means tying our own struggles for justice to the challenges that a lot of people in this country face – the refugee, the immigrant, the rural poor, the transgender American, and also the middle-aged white man who from the outside may seem like he’s got all the advantages, but who’s seen his world upended by economic, cultural, and technological change.

For white Americans, it means acknowledging that the effects of slavery and Jim Crow didn’t suddenly vanish in the ‘60s; that when minority groups voice discontent, they’re not just engaging in reverse racism or practicing political correctness; that when they wage peaceful protest, they’re not demanding special treatment, but the equal treatment our Founders promised.

For native-born Americans, it means reminding ourselves that the stereotypes about immigrants today were said, almost word for word, about the Irish, Italians, and Poles. America wasn’t weakened by the presence of these newcomers; they embraced this nation’s creed, and it was strengthened.

So regardless of the station we occupy; we have to try harder; to start with the premise that each of our fellow citizens loves this country just as much as we do; that they value hard work and family like we do; that their children are just as curious and hopeful and worthy of love as our own.

None of this is easy. For too many of us, it’s become safer to retreat into our own bubbles, whether in our neighborhoods or college campuses or places of worship or our social media feeds, surrounded by people who look like us and share the same political outlook and never challenge our assumptions. The rise of naked partisanship, increasing economic and regional stratification, the splintering of our media into a channel for every taste – all this makes this great sorting seem natural, even inevitable. And increasingly, we become so secure in our bubbles that we accept only information, whether true or not, that fits our opinions, instead of basing our opinions on the evidence that’s out there.

This trend represents a third threat to our democracy. Politics is a battle of ideas; in the course of a healthy debate, we’ll prioritize different goals, and the different means of reaching them. But without some common baseline of facts; without a willingness to admit new information, and concede that your opponent is making a fair point, and that science and reason matter, we’ll keep talking past each other, making common ground and compromise impossible.

Isn’t that part of what makes politics so dispiriting? How can elected officials rage about deficits when we propose to spend money on preschool for kids, but not when we’re cutting taxes for corporations? How do we excuse ethical lapses in our own party, but pounce when the other party does the same thing? It’s not just dishonest, this selective sorting of the facts; it’s self-defeating. Because as my mother used to tell me, reality has a way of catching up with you.

Take the challenge of climate change. In just eight years, we’ve halved our dependence on foreign oil, doubled our renewable energy, and led the world to an agreement that has the promise to save this planet. But without bolder action, our children won’t have time to debate the existence of climate change; they’ll be busy dealing with its effects: environmental disasters, economic disruptions, and waves of climate refugees seeking sanctuary.

Now, we can and should argue about the best approach to the problem. But to simply deny the problem not only betrays future generations; it betrays the essential spirit of innovation and practical problem-solving that guided our Founders.

It’s that spirit, born of the Enlightenment, that made us an economic powerhouse – the spirit that took flight at Kitty Hawk and Cape Canaveral; the spirit that that cures disease and put a computer in every pocket.

It’s that spirit – a faith in reason, and enterprise, and the primacy of right over might, that allowed us to resist the lure of fascism and tyranny during the Great Depression, and build a post-World War II order with other democracies, an order based not just on military power or national affiliations but on principles – the rule of law, human rights, freedoms of religion, speech, assembly, and an independent press.

That order is now being challenged – first by violent fanatics who claim to speak for Islam; more recently by autocrats in foreign capitals who see free markets, open democracies, and civil society itself as a threat to their power. The peril each poses to our democracy is more far-reaching than a car bomb or a missile. It represents the fear of change; the fear of people who look or speak or pray differently; a contempt for the rule of law that holds leaders accountable; an intolerance of dissent and free thought; a belief that the sword or the gun or the bomb or propaganda machine is the ultimate arbiter of what’s true and what’s right.

Because of the extraordinary courage of our men and women in uniform, and the intelligence officers, law enforcement, and diplomats who support them, no foreign terrorist organization has successfully planned and executed an attack on our homeland these past eight years; and although Boston and Orlando remind us of how dangerous radicalization can be, our law enforcement agencies are more effective and vigilant than ever. We’ve taken out tens of thousands of terrorists – including Osama bin Laden. The global coalition we’re leading against ISIL has taken out their leaders, and taken away about half their territory. ISIL will be destroyed, and no one who threatens America will ever be safe. To all who serve, it has been the honor of my lifetime to be your Commander-in-Chief.

But protecting our way of life requires more than our military. Democracy can buckle when we give in to fear. So just as we, as citizens, must remain vigilant against external aggression, we must guard against a weakening of the values that make us who we are. That’s why, for the past eight years, I’ve worked to put the fight against terrorism on a firm legal footing. That’s why we’ve ended torture, worked to close Gitmo, and reform our laws governing surveillance to protect privacy and civil liberties. That’s why I reject discrimination against Muslim Americans. That’s why we cannot withdraw from global fights – to expand democracy, and human rights, women’s rights, and LGBT rights – no matter how imperfect our efforts, no matter how expedient ignoring such values may seem. For the fight against extremism and intolerance and sectarianism are of a piece with the fight against authoritarianism and nationalist aggression. If the scope of freedom and respect for the rule of law shrinks around the world, the likelihood of war within and between nations increases, and our own freedoms will eventually be threatened.

So let’s be vigilant, but not afraid. ISIL will try to kill innocent people. But they cannot defeat America unless we betray our Constitution and our principles in the fight. Rivals like Russia or China cannot match our influence around the world – unless we give up what we stand for, and turn ourselves into just another big country that bullies smaller neighbors.

Which brings me to my final point – our democracy is threatened whenever we take it for granted. All of us, regardless of party, should throw ourselves into the task of rebuilding our democratic institutions. When voting rates are some of the lowest among advanced democracies, we should make it easier, not harder, to vote. When trust in our institutions is low, we should reduce the corrosive influence of money in our politics, and insist on the principles of transparency and ethics in public service. When Congress is dysfunctional, we should draw our districts to encourage politicians to cater to common sense and not rigid extremes.

And all of this depends on our participation; on each of us accepting the responsibility of citizenship, regardless of which way the pendulum of power swings.

Our Constitution is a remarkable, beautiful gift. But it’s really just a piece of parchment. It has no power on its own. We, the people, give it power – with our participation, and the choices we make. Whether or not we stand up for our freedoms. Whether or not we respect and enforce the rule of law. America is no fragile thing. But the gains of our long journey to freedom are not assured.

In his own farewell address, George Washington wrote that self-government is the underpinning of our safety, prosperity, and liberty, but “from different causes and from different quarters much pains will be taken…to weaken in your minds the conviction of this truth;” that we should preserve it with “jealous anxiety;” that we should reject “the first dawning of every attempt to alienate any portion of our country from the rest or to enfeeble the sacred ties” that make us one.

We weaken those ties when we allow our political dialogue to become so corrosive that people of good character are turned off from public service; so coarse with rancor that Americans with whom we disagree are not just misguided, but somehow malevolent. We weaken those ties when we define some of us as more American than others; when we write off the whole system as inevitably corrupt, and blame the leaders we elect without examining our own role in electing them.

It falls to each of us to be those anxious, jealous guardians of our democracy; to embrace the joyous task we’ve been given to continually try to improve this great nation of ours. Because for all our outward differences, we all share the same proud title: Citizen.

Ultimately, that’s what our democracy demands. It needs you. Not just when there’s an election, not just when your own narrow interest is at stake, but over the full span of a lifetime. If you’re tired of arguing with strangers on the internet, try to talk with one in real life. If something needs fixing, lace up your shoes and do some organizing. If you’re disappointed by your elected officials, grab a clipboard, get some signatures, and run for office yourself. Show up. Dive in. Persevere. Sometimes you’ll win. Sometimes you’ll lose. Presuming a reservoir of goodness in others can be a risk, and there will be times when the process disappoints you. But for those of us fortunate enough to have been a part of this work, to see it up close, let me tell you, it can energize and inspire. And more often than not, your faith in America – and in Americans – will be confirmed.

Mine sure has been. Over the course of these eight years, I’ve seen the hopeful faces of young graduates and our newest military officers. I’ve mourned with grieving families searching for answers, and found grace in Charleston church. I’ve seen our scientists help a paralyzed man regain his sense of touch, and our wounded warriors walk again. I’ve seen our doctors and volunteers rebuild after earthquakes and stop pandemics in their tracks. I’ve seen the youngest of children remind us of our obligations to care for refugees, to work in peace, and above all to look out for each other.

That faith I placed all those years ago, not far from here, in the power of ordinary Americans to bring about change – that faith has been rewarded in ways I couldn’t possibly have imagined. I hope yours has, too. Some of you here tonight or watching at home were there with us in 2004, in 2008, in 2012 – and maybe you still can’t believe we pulled this whole thing off.

You’re not the only ones. Michelle – for the past twenty-five years, you’ve been not only my wife and mother of my children, but my best friend. You took on a role you didn’t ask for and made it your own with grace and grit and style and good humor. You made the White House a place that belongs to everybody. And a new generation sets its sights higher because it has you as a role model. You’ve made me proud. You’ve made the country proud.

Malia and Sasha, under the strangest of circumstances, you have become two amazing young women, smart and beautiful, but more importantly, kind and thoughtful and full of passion. You wore the burden of years in the spotlight so easily. Of all that I’ve done in my life, I’m most proud to be your dad.

To Joe Biden, the scrappy kid from Scranton who became Delaware’s favorite son: you were the first choice I made as a nominee, and the best. Not just because you have been a great Vice President, but because in the bargain, I gained a brother. We love you and Jill like family, and your friendship has been one of the great joys of our life.

To my remarkable staff: For eight years – and for some of you, a whole lot more – I’ve drawn from your energy, and tried to reflect back what you displayed every day: heart, and character, and idealism. I’ve watched you grow up, get married, have kids, and start incredible new journeys of your own. Even when times got tough and frustrating, you never let Washington get the better of you. The only thing that makes me prouder than all the good we’ve done is the thought of all the remarkable things you’ll achieve from here.

And to all of you out there – every organizer who moved to an unfamiliar town and kind family who welcomed them in, every volunteer who knocked on doors, every young person who cast a ballot for the first time, every American who lived and breathed the hard work of change – you are the best supporters and organizers anyone could hope for, and I will forever be grateful. Because yes, you changed the world.

That’s why I leave this stage tonight even more optimistic about this country than I was when we started. Because I know our work has not only helped so many Americans; it has inspired so many Americans – especially so many young people out there – to believe you can make a difference; to hitch your wagon to something bigger than yourselves. This generation coming up – unselfish, altruistic, creative, patriotic – I’ve seen you in every corner of the country. You believe in a fair, just, inclusive America; you know that constant change has been America’s hallmark, something not to fear but to embrace, and you are willing to carry this hard work of democracy forward. You’ll soon outnumber any of us, and I believe as a result that the future is in good hands.

My fellow Americans, it has been the honor of my life to serve you. I won’t stop; in fact, I will be right there with you, as a citizen, for all my days that remain. For now, whether you’re young or young at heart, I do have one final ask of you as your President – the same thing I asked when you took a chance on me eight years ago.

I am asking you to believe. Not in my ability to bring about change – but in yours.

I am asking you to hold fast to that faith written into our founding documents; that idea whispered by slaves and abolitionists; that spirit sung by immigrants and homesteaders and those who marched for justice; that creed reaffirmed by those who planted flags from foreign battlefields to the surface of the moon; a creed at the core of every American whose story is not yet written:

Yes We Can.

Yes We Did.

Yes We Can.

Thank you. God bless you. And may God continue to bless the United States of America.

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电影《重返·狼群》讲述了成都两位青年——李微漪和亦风救助一只野生小狼并成功将其放归狼群的真实经历。谈及电影初衷，主创李微漪表示，经过近一年的相处，已经将格林当作家庭中的一员，在格林回归狼群后，出于对它的思念，也抱着让更多人真正了解狼群和野生动物的想法，在《狼图腾》作者姜戎的支持下，开始尝试将之前拍摄的影像资料进行整理剪辑，把这段真实的故事带给更多关注小狼命运的人。

亦风透露，从救助小狼到带回草原，直至放归狼群，期间留下了长达一千多小时的影像资料，影片也由此经历了一个曲折的剪辑制作过程，从资金到技术遇到了各种各样的困难，前后差不多经历了7年时间。影片制作至今，也得到了很多朋友的支持和帮助。导演陆川近日为电影发声，称赞“这是一部令人尊敬的电影，展现了野生动物生存的现实境况”。亦风也在现场特别感谢陆川对电影的支持和对野生动物命运的关注，表示能得到他的肯定，“这些年的艰辛很值得”。

李微漪还自曝两人为放归小狼，在大草原上的7个月中成为“人中之狼”，回家之后一度不适应城市生活。“能够和格林结缘一段感情，是一种幸运。”李微漪说，对于一只狼而言，失去了自由比死了更可悲，因此即便再难，也不能让自己的“儿子”死在荒野，即便再不舍，也不能让格林象征性地活在城市。影片播放过程中，不少观众数次热泪盈眶，有感于此，李微漪也表示，很高兴影片让她印证了“每个人心里都有最柔软的一块”，希望大家能在看完电影后重新认识狼群，重新定义人类和野生动物的关系，正视人和自然和谐相处的问题。

一个半小时的观影过去，观众纷纷表示影片大大超出观前期待，让人重新认识了一匹真实、聪颖、重情重义、会心疼、知感恩的狼，也由格林返回狼群的历程，感知生命的力量、自由的可贵。有观众表示，从两位主人公身上看到了“一种纯净的力量”，电影中关于小狼生活情感的记录真实丰富，格林的成长过程和回归草原的曲折经历打破了很多人对于狼和野生动物的固有观念，对人类自身的命运和生存状况也有了新的思考。

在潇湘电影天马店，李微漪和亦风还分享了和小狼相处的细节以及种种趣事，包括在电影制作过程中的经验和感悟。现场有学生说，“大学生都是被豢养的狼群，面对毕业，就像没有重回自然的格林一样，迷失了自己，找不到方向”，对此，李微漪表示，狼的天性决定了格林的将来，人心里有没有自由也决定了自己能走多远，希望大学生们做真实的自己，努力奋进，不要轻易被世俗、挫折驯服。

有粉丝表示，学生时代就已读过《重返·狼群》的两部图书，到现在电影面世，一路以来始终关注着小狼的故事和野生狼群的命运，希望格林一切都好，也期待更多像《重返·狼群》这样真诚打动人心的作品出现在荧屏，唤醒人们动物的爱，正如李微漪所说，当小猫、小狗等任何动物把他们的生命交到你手中时，请不要遗弃，“你可以不爱，但请不要伤害”。谈及格林的近况和狼群的现状，亦风表示图书《重返·狼群2》里已给出答案。一位观众直言，在当下商业片特别泛滥的现状下，这样一部走心的电影堪称“国产电影的清流”，真诚期待“狼1”的热映，盼望“狼2”的接力。

留守儿童问题已经不是一个孩子和一个家庭的问题，它涉及到6100多万儿童的生活质量和发展状况，涉及到儿童基本权利维护，涉及到儿童生命和精神的保护和促进，涉及到贫困地区脱贫程度和质量，甚至还涉及到社会的安宁和稳定。

亲情是儿童心灵的重要滋养。幼年阶段最重要的心灵寄托是父母，与父母的拥抱、交谈和共同活动是孩子成长的重要途径。父母是孩子心灵的慰藉和港湾，也是很多积极、有效刺激的来源。留守儿童最大的缺失就是父母的亲情，他们大多生活在隔代抚养的环境中，如果没有采取切实有效的补救措施，他们可能难以找到积极有效的心灵支撑，这对他们的情绪和个性将产生一些不利影响，甚至还会影响到他们的生活态度、生活热情以及学习水平。因此，必须加以切实的关注，努力避免亲情缺失，有亲情的童年才是完整的。

相聚是儿童享有的基本权利。无论是在《儿童权利公约》还是在《未成年人保护法》中，父母是儿童抚育和监护人中处于第一顺位的成人。父母是儿童最基本的和最合理的抚育者和监护者，是促进儿童成长的第一责任人。父母的责任，不只在于提供给儿童必要的物质生活条件，还包括给予儿童基本的身心保护和心理需求的满足。因此，与儿童在一起，满足儿童与父母团聚的需要是父母的重要法律职责。

教育是阻止贫困代际传递的关键途径。大量存在留守儿童的区域，大多是经济基础相对薄弱的地区，也是扶贫攻坚的重要区域。对这些区域的扶贫，具有双重重要的意义。一是通过精准的扶贫开发，发展经济，增加收入，改善民生，增加就业，使更多外出务工的父母回乡就业和创业，从而回到孩子身边，减少留守儿童的数量。二是通过发展教育扶贫，培养真正具有现代素质的一代代劳动者，真正从根本上摆脱贫困。因此，要继续加大对贫困地区的教育投入。

合力是改善留守儿童生活境遇的必然选择。习书记在贵州调研时指出：“要关心留守儿童、留守老年人，完善工作机制和措施，加强管理和服务，让他们都能感受到社会主义大家庭的温暖。”完善的工作机制和措施需要各级政府的力量，也需要家庭和教育机构、社会团体等各种力量，需要将一切有助于改善留守儿童状态的力量凝聚成合力。十八届五中全会提出了要坚持“创新、协调、绿色、开放、共享”的发展理念。解决留守儿童的问题，更需要这一发展理念。我们要创新工作机制和措施，协调城乡间、区域间、家庭与教育机构间、不同的抚养主体间以及政府与社会间的关系，让留守儿童家庭共享社会的支持和帮扶，让留守儿童与其他儿童共享充满亲情的快乐童年。

[给留守儿童一个完整的童年作文

我想我是个乖孩子，或许这只是我一个人的见解，但我会坚持。诱惑，我面对它时，我还是很理性的，即使抉择让我的心淌过一道泪痕，我仍旧会执着。

笑，我想放声大笑，然后在感受笑中的悲凉后无助的哭，我真的想哭，让整个灵魂裸露在外，拼命释放。

承认自己是个多愁善感的人，带有南方人那种独特的气质，似江南雨中独撑油纸伞的背影一样淡淡的怅惘。所以有时情绪会突然陷入悲哀，或许只是想的葚多，但终究会陷下去。曾有人说过：做学生和做自己很矛盾。我深刻地理解了他的含意。

必竟我想为自己做的事，做学生是无法谅解的，我若是全情投入做学生，那自己又会感到很累很重。青春就在这反复的矛盾中蹒跚地走来，并且将继续这样走下去。无能为力，所以我试着低头，去适应，尽管我清楚地听见内心叛逆的吼叫，但我用尽全力去抑制，因为我需要生活。还有太多太多等我去做，那些未完成的将来，闪烁的是宿命的幽蓝灯火。谁是谁的守侯，谁又是谁的永久？年轻的我太脆弱，所以我给不起承诺，面对纯真的感情，我唯一能做的便是拒绝，怕伤了心，再也合不拢。勇敢，似乎很久没有去体会过了，总是以浅浅的一笑略过，把所有五彩缤纷，精彩纷呈一并抛在脑后。自己一步步坚定地往前走，走向那世俗给予的责任，去扛，不顾一切，只为了那条千万人踏过的路，背过的苦，纵然有许多不满遗憾，我都能和着唾液往肚里咽，然后便会有人拍手称赞，最终只有自己默默地说：“原来我所做的只有这样而已。”留一丝苦笑，滑落到嘴角。

不知用过多少零散的文字来解剖自己，似乎插满了全身。但我明白我不得不这样做，即使会很痛，也想把自己看清楚弄明白，唯有这样，才能让我支撑着这好像不属于我的身体继续去成长。成长，真是一个刺痛眼球的字，它意味着茧中艰辛的挣扎奋斗，展示着蛇脱去旧壳的楚痛。总之，它是如此沉重的一个词，并且这种沉重会让每个人都去亲身体验。

也许有人会说我在掏尽苦涩去斥责些什么，我无语。我想这又怎能算苦涩的沉沦呢？就算是吧，那也是生命给我的权利，我活着，不是只能开心乐观，也有权去为自己想哀伤的尽情哀伤吧！就算是些消极的情绪，但我坦然地这么面对了，没有逃避，用大脑去思考，去改变，又有何妨？我不想学有些人，极力宣扬自己如何积极乐观，根本不敢去面对自己的悲伤，我觉得那会是个可怜的人，懦弱地甩开了一半自己。

我还是这样成长起来了，夹杂着悲观的、乐观的、郁闷的、疯狂的，就这样一路踏步而来。没有中断过成长的脚步，因为我学着去面对一切，而并非逃避。抱怨着生活的诸多不满，厌倦着生命的凡尘俗落，可我又笑自己，嘴上的再累，笔下的再苦，我仍旧日出而作，日落而息，我想，可能正是这种种矛盾，才推动着我生活成长。

迎着夏天的风，我扬扬洒洒的走，不去顾及别人在身后指责我的消极悲观如何差劲，也不曾理会别人在背后感叹我积极乐观的态度，只有我，只有自己才明白，没有哪一样我丢弃过，它们环绕在我的周围，让我去享尽一切的苦与甜、笑与哭、悲与乐……

原来，一切又尽在不言中。

[完整的自己中学生作文

我曾经上过一节美术课，充满无限遐想的我兴奋地完成了一幅油画。在这幅画中，在一处比较显眼的白色区域，由于我追求完美，就用白蜡笔将其涂白。当老师走过看时，她叹了一气说：“你的画整体不错，但这里不应该涂上白蜡笔的颜色……”我充满疑惑的回答：“哦，是吗？”等到自己慢慢长大后，才明白其实完整不等于完美。

有许多时候，无论在生活中还是在艺术上，过于完整的并不完美，而小小的缺陷却吸引了许多赞许的目光。

你看，有一位音乐家——舒伯特，他的奇峰之作“未完成”的交响曲，却赢得了空前的赞誉。他在创作当中，为了保持原有的特殊风格的一、二乐章，于是他放弃第三乐章的构想。正是这首曲的不完整，凭借这仅仅两篇乐章的特殊乐质赢来许多众人赞美的目光，也正是他的“未完成”之作让他在音乐界中能脱颖而出。因此，完整并不等于完美，而在某些方面，“缺陷”却也是完美的“美”。

“金无足赤，人无完人”，人的一生是坎坷的，世上不存在十全十美的人。人们自己遭遇缺陷，其实他也是一种的“美”。为什么呢？“人非圣贤孰能无过。”当人们自己发现问题所在时，其实也是在过渡到“完美”的过程，所以不完整不意味着不完美，然而过于完整却不完美。

虽然在生活上，追求完美是我们共同所期待的，但是在有些时候却隐藏着祸根！有一次考试，我本着一种一定要考满分的心去度过我的一门特长课的考试。结果呢，悲剧的只得80分。当我为此而伤心时，妈妈开导我。“孩子，有些事情不是强求就能得到的，你在考试时不要总想着能拿到满分，用平时的心态去面对。”于是在下次考试当中，我正如母亲所说，如愿以偿的获得完美的成绩！因此，在追求完美的时候，不要抱“完整”的心态去面对，因为完整不等于完美。

其实我还想说，完整不等于完美。

[关于完整不得完美的作文500字

初夏，一个飘着花香的季节；半夏，一个阳光灿烂的季节；暮夏，一个雨水纷飞的季节。当他们汇聚在一起，便组成了一个充满阳光与泪水的，完整的夏天。

初夏的风，延续春风的温暖，轻柔之中，又飘着淡淡的花香，略带慵懒之意。

四五月份的校园，也因这初夏懒懒的风，在不知不觉之中，也变得懒散起来。学子们总喜欢晒着温暖的阳光，在草坪上，一起唱流行歌，一起讨论某个明星，或者是隔壁班的班花，班草。把学习抛之脑后，在轻松的流光之间欢笑，无限制的浪费着这个飘着花香的初夏。花开，花落，抬起手接住飞舞在空中的花瓣，握紧；在不知不觉之中，收藏起了这飘着花香的初夏。

幸福，而安定。

当春花落尽，阳光肆意的在时间的缝隙中游走时，才猛然惊觉，慵懒的初夏不见了，火热的半夏回来了。

五六月份的校园，少了一分闲适，多了一分火热。整个校园里，随处可见卖力练唱的学生，拼命舞蹈的少女。学子们不在慵懒，就连阳光也在倾听，我们的快乐。操场上激烈的篮球比赛，加油声冲破云霄，舞台上清丽的歌声和舞动着裙角，嘴边的微笑，眼底闪烁着的快乐的光芒，都在接受，阳光的洗礼。微笑着把这个充满笑容，舞动着阳光的半夏收藏进心底。

火热，而快乐。

滴答，滴答。丝丝凉意驱走了半夏的火热，迎来了，雨水纷飞的暮夏。

六七月份的校园，火热终于消失，唯独留下了战争的硝烟仍在继续蔓延。学子们终于拿起了手中的武器开始战斗。即便是漫天飞舞的雨水，也淋不熄这战争的火焰。暮夏的美景也无心再欣赏，汗水，泪水和雨水交融在了一起；奋斗，努力，坚持冲破乌云，到达云的彼岸，那里，有胜利的彩虹。让雨水飞进心底，是为了想看见最后的彩虹，却也在无意之中，收藏起了，这个雨水纷飞的暮夏。

繁忙，而充足。

初夏，半夏，暮夏；花香，阳光，雨水；汇集成了一个完整的夏天。

将这个夏天收藏进记忆深处，它见证了每一个学子的奋斗与努力，快乐和悲伤，也歌唱了只属于我们的青春岁月。收藏完整的夏天，把青春定格，把希望留在明天。

“叮呤，”一阵急促的闹铃声把我从美梦中惊醒，我马上坐起来，以最快速度穿好衣服，吃完早饭，背上沉甸甸的书包扬长而去，别以为我是上学要迟到了，其实这是周六的早晨，目的地不是学校而是家长给我报的课外班。

我已经记不得，上次完整地过一个双休日是什么么时间了。每次到了星期六、星期天，老师布置的作业当然少不了，家长也要布置一些功课要求我们“巩固巩固”；除此之外，还有安排紧凑的英语班、作文班、舞蹈班、钢琴班，星期六是法定的休息时间，本来应该让劳累了五天的身躯放松放松，可家长似乎没有放过我们的意思，用课外班把双休日占得满满当当，休息日变得和劳动日没啥两样儿，甚至还要更累。其实我们并不是不喜欢上课外班，只是不想让这些课外班把我们的休息时间全占用了，所以才会有反对的心情。

我真想成为一个“自由人”，当然我说的自由人不是不上课，而是在双休日能够正常的休息和娱乐，把我们上课外班的时间还给登山、踏青等亲近大自然的活动，这又有何不可呢。我也不是说课外班不好，我也明白家长是为了我们的将来着想，只是不要把课外班安排得那么满、那么多，现在的双休日与我们想要的有天壤之别，原来快乐的休息日我也在繁忙中渡过了。

我希望，把双休日还给我们，让我们有一些自由呼吸的空间吧！

在当下这个信息时代，碎片化成为整个社会愈发显著的特征：时间碎片化、阅读碎片化，甚至社交也被肢解成碎片。面对“碎片”浪潮，怎样逆流而上，守住自己那一片天地，过“完整”的生活呢？

要想了解碎片化的原因，就该先明确碎片化是什么？顾名思义，“碎片”代表着小、零散的含义。那碎片化所代表的就是一种让时间、阅读等变成散乱化的小部分的趋势。天天行色匆匆，一天在上下班、工作、加班中度过，却鲜有在家中与家人共度一晚的悠闲；一年的阅读量，也许仅仅是微信公众号上的推文在地铁上被快速地翻过；与朋友会面的时间少了，却大多是吃饭时、工作之余与不认识的人在微信上闲聊几句便作罢。

这样的生活是从何而起的呢？也许互联网的发展是幕后推手。陆续诞生的新型聊天软件方便了人们的沟通。人们逐渐放下了短信与电话，转战微信与微博。智能手机所带来的另一个“虚拟”世界也让绝大多数人痴迷其中。不说在地铁上，就连在家中，低头刷手机的人也大有人在。

社会心态的急功近利是另一方面的原因。不知从何时起，人们眼前只剩了利益。他们为了挣钱，拼死加班，奔赴一个个客户，只为了业绩与年终奖。人们关心的只是“实用”吗？修身方能齐家，之后才有治国平天下。但越来越多的人忽视了“修身”，他们自以为前途一片光明，实则正使自己的人生脱离本来应循的轨迹。

这样忽略情感、亲情，漠视自身修养形成的生活方式，实在不能称之为完整的、美满的人生。只被手机、利益支配的碎片化生活，难谈幸福与快乐。这样的生活，也是“碎片”。

所以在这样一个时代，每个人都应该清醒地自视：什么是对我们最重要的？相信大多数人的答案会是：家庭幸福、婚姻美满、子女茁壮成长……那么，就多花时间去陪伴、去感受。对手机的痴迷也是必须要改正的恶习。手机与微信方便了彼此的联系，为我们提供外部世界的信息，但不是取代原有人们近距离的接触、不能取代传统阅读。从床头一本喜爱的诗集、每隔些时日友人间的小聚开始，将诗意与悠闲融入生活。这些举措会如同万能的胶水，将碎片重新粘成一个整体，还你一个“完整”的生活。

在科技飞速发展的如今，“碎片化”模式似乎是其导致的必然产物。碎片化阅读、碎片化营销、碎片化社交无时不刻地充斥着我们的生活，影响着日常的方方面面，“碎片化”既为我们带来快速、便捷，却也使社会沾染上浮躁之气。

“碎片化的益处显而易见：如使用手机、网络阅读，足不出户也能家事国事天下事事事皆知；在外也能如微博的标语一般：“随时随地，发现新信息。可以说，“碎片化”生活，为我们打开了新的视角、新的讯息、新的体验。但另一方面，“碎片化”生活也带来“浅尝辄止”、“浮光掠影”、“匆匆而过”。以阅读为例，碎片化阅读是零散、快速的，“眼下了了，心上匆匆”，读时乐在其中，读完却收获甚少，恐怕“最是不济事”。

然而生活中有些事，却值得细细品味、慢慢咀嚼。在传统文学作品中，久到唐诗宋词，每一个字都经作者细细推敲，如果只是表面略读，就不能体会其中的深远韵味；近到现当代作家的散文、小说，如沈从文先生笔下的山西，汪曾祺先生笔下的大淖，如若沉下心来完整阅读，就能感受到青山绿水的风景画卷在眼前展开，优美的景致与淳朴的民风相映成趣，令人心向往之。

碎片化阅读易浮在表面，有时还会对所读内容造成误解。如杨绛先生的一句名言：“和谁我都不争，和谁争我都不屑。”零散着阅读到这句话，也许会认为是出自某位狂傲之人之口，然而通过完整的阅读她的作品和人生阅历，便能懂得这是人生过半所存的大彻大悟，并非傲然，而是淡然的心境。

欧洲的许多教堂，都有别具一格的琉璃玻璃。它由色彩斑斓的小块琉璃，组成庄严别致的大件艺术品。其实，我想“碎片化生活”方式也是如此，“碎片化”内容的本身有可值得采用的部分，但如将其完整化，它的价值会进一步提高，会更显示出丰富的内涵和底蕴。

因而，“碎片与完整”并不矛盾，“碎片化”应当鼓励，而深度化、完整化更值得提倡。

将碎片化拼凑联结，静心沉静下来，便能感受到世间隐藏的美好，感受到花香穿过厅堂，感受到尘埃之中开出花朵。

“碎片化”这个新词伴随着智能手机的普及而逐渐变得众人皆知。对于“低头族”而言“碎片化”正是他们的生活状态。

人们发现，“低头族”原先也是要充分的利用“碎片化”的时间，后来却逐渐地将自己的时间“碎片化”了。当时间“碎片化”后，要去深入钻研一件事就变得非常困难了。我们知道连贯地操作一件事，比碎片化地操作效果好得多。碎片化看似同时执行了多个任务，而每个任务的完成效果往往都不如人意。

“碎片化”还让原本亲近的人日渐疏远。因为当我们自豪地迈入“自媒体”时代，我们可以从网络中获取海量资讯，人人都有一块自己的领土。我们能时时刻刻记录自己的趣事，再分享到“朋友圈”，来自各地的“好友”便可通过留言采访当事人，每个人既是观众又是记者。这使身边至亲的人不再是精神寄托，而远在天边的陌生人却让我们记挂在心。“碎片化”让我们接触更多陌生人，却对身边朋友逐渐画地为牢。

但是，换个角度看，“碎片化”也并非那么一无是处。“碎片化”也确确实实地给人们带来好处。

古人欧阳修说过：“余平生所作文章，多在‘三上’，乃‘马上’、‘枕上’、‘厕上’也。”欧阳修能把每天的时间碎片用来做文章，这样看来，欧阳修算是利用碎片化时间的鼻祖了。其实今天我们也能做到，甚至做起来更加便捷。我们手机的客户端可以提供丰富的信息，让我们在碎片时间轻松地阅读一本好书，虽然不能细细品味，却也可以让我们不无所事事，提升修养。

“低头族”也能在“碎片化”时代占上便宜的。他们可以在乘车的时候购物，轻松地货比三家；在吃饭的时候观看教学视频，聆听知名教师的教诲；甚至可以在逛街的时候谈成一笔生意，保持与客户紧密联系……

“碎片化”终究给我们带来的是便利还是麻烦了？我觉得“碎片化”是将人与人差距逐渐缩小。交流“碎片化”让人们更容易和陌生人交流，也让熟悉的人更难深刻地交流；“碎片化”拖累了优秀的人前进的步伐，也同时让落后时代的人更快地弥补上差距；利用好“碎片化”时间可以让追求进步的人获得更多有用的信息，沉迷在“碎片化”生活中也让不求上进的人感到虚假的充实。

如何看待“碎片化”时代，这是值得每个期望完整人生的人应该思考的问题。

在移动互联网大为发展的今天，我们的生活逐渐“破碎”，碎片化一词出现在我们的生活中。且与我们的生活密切相关，它改变着我们的生活方式，影响着我们的心态与认知。但是，是否生活变得碎片化，我们就难以寻找到心灵的完整了吗？我想答案是否定的。于碎片中寻完整，重要的不过是正确地对待碎片化，坚定初心。

现如今，碎片化俨然已经是无法逃避的现实，就像破镜无法重圆一样残酷。快节奏生活的紧张感与压迫感以及爆炸的信息和网络世界，让人们不得不利用零碎的时间进行零碎的阅读，零碎的购物和零碎的社交……碎片化像洪流一样仿佛要将完整全部吞噬殆尽。在这个洪流中有的人甘愿被冲走，迷失其中，寻不到方向，最后只能随波逐流；但也有人不甘被奴役，奋起反抗，在洪流中寻到礁石，得以安稳停歇。

“我不排斥碎片化时代，我们该考虑怎么样才能够把自己修炼得更完美”是啊，其实，只要考虑清楚如何正确地使用碎片化这把“双刃剑”，牢记自己的目标，我们就能破开迷雾，把自己修炼的更完美，为心灵寻到一处完整的天堂。

碎片化以其仓促、浅显、良莠不齐而被人们误解，但是它的便捷、及时和使灵感爆发的瞬间是我们所不能忽视的。心志不坚定者因其犹豫不决而被剑刃所伤，被迷雾吞噬；而心志坚定者则有如神助，用其手中利剑破开迷雾，用碎片化给予他们的财富充实了自己，找寻到了心灵的完整。

纷乱的碎片化生活确实为人们带来了太多的诱惑，真真假假、虚虚实实，让人们无法辨别、无力逃离。也让人们变得喜新厌旧、朝三暮四。一味地向前，忘记了缓下脚步看看沿途的风景和路上留下的脚印。但这不正是碎片化对我们的考验么？若是能够在诱惑中保持清明，在潮流中坚定自己的选择，在追逐中不忘自己的方向，碎片化何尝不是上天给予我们的一种力量呢？

不在碎片化中经历一番寒彻骨，又怎么能够享到完整带来的扑鼻香呢？想要于破碎中寻完整，我们就要正确地看待碎片化，不忘记自己的初心，为其清明、为其坚定。愿遇上碎片化的生活的每一个人都能寻到心灵的完整。

在现在的社会，我们的生活节奏大幅加快，生活中时间的碎片化应运而生。作为学生，我对学习上的碎片化有点感触。

碎片化大致可以分为两类，一种是客观的碎片化，也就是由于快节奏而自然产生的碎片化；另一种是人为碎片化，是指例如刚学一会儿就想玩游戏、刷微博，这样的“坐不住式碎片化”。对于前者，我们应当顺应，合理利用碎片化时间，这都是大家本来就理解的。而对于后者，我们应当杜绝。

坐不住式碎片化对我们的学习相当有害。总量=时间*效率，这是一个小学生都懂的公式：学习的成效与学习时间和学习效率挂钩。这种碎片化显然影响了学习的时间，更严重的是它还影响了学习效率。学生如果刚学一会儿就去玩，足以体现其心思大多放在玩上。俗话说不怕贼偷，就怕贼惦记。边学习边想着玩儿，怎么可能学的进去呢？

如果放任这种浮躁的碎片化在学习上蔓延，其结果必然是学的东西变少，学的东西粗浅，既无法学广，也无法学精。到时候走上社会，便是东一榔头西一棒、三天打鱼两天晒网的无用人。就像我们偶尔看到的游手好闲流浪汉，不正是“碎片化”大师吗？

解铃还须系铃人，这种不当的碎片化重在人为性，要想解决就必须改变自己。

首先是收心，学生的本分就是学习。碎片人必须有责任心，认识到学习的重要性，以此压制自己的玩心。即使成事在天，但谋事在人。如果连玩心都无法压制，仍然抱着“孩子就应该玩儿”这种幼稚想法，那当然会学学玩玩，再往下的步骤就算再高明，无法被碎片人实行也无济于事。

收好心之后就是定计划，定好这个月学什么，今天学什么。这样统筹时间可以让自己在合理的时间做合理的事，提高效率。这似乎与提倡第一种碎片化背道而驰，实则不然。碎片化是说在安排好的时间里存在少量碎片时间可以利用，而不是提倡把本来可以完整的时间故意砸碎来制造碎片。就像把饼干硬是压成粉再吃，弄的一团乱，注定会有浪费。据说市重点学生多数能按分钟计时，这也不难解释他们为什么优秀了。

当然，不是说不休息，适度放松可以提高效率，但也不可以脱离安排。比方说定好学一个小时、玩十分钟，依此循环。知道自己只在固定时间才能玩，想必也不会激起玩心，时间没损失多少，学的也反而更好了。

对于碎片化时间我们应当理性认识，在时间完整的大前提下可控的拾起时间碎片，才能让碎片化真正为我们所用。

一轮圆圆的月亮缓缓升起，我心中不禁涌起思念之情，我的眼睛此时已经湿润了，因为我的爸爸妈妈不能陪着我过这次团圆的中秋节了。

今天是中秋节的早早晨，我不大早就一匆匆从床上起来了。那是因为我的爸爸妈妈不能陪我过这团圆的佳节了，他们中午就走。我想多陪陪爸爸妈妈……

可是时间却不邻我的情，它犹如流水一样，一走就不见踪迹。一下子就到了中午，我依依不舍地和他们分离了。我用那朦胧的双眼望着他们那越来越糢糊的背影，我的心酸酸的，有种说不出的味道，像打翻了的五味瓶那五味杂陈在我心中乱碰撞。不知不觉中，泪水已布满我眼睛每个角落。

离别后，我一次又一次望着钟表，非常渴望时间快从我眼皮子底下溜走，可它却像被定了格了一样，一动不动。我不知现在我要做什么，我心里非常痛恨时间为什么要这样跟我作对，这样折磨我。我呆呆地坐在那里继续傻傻地望着钟……

晚上，亲人都到齐了，他们的热闹总不能进入我这冰冷、寂寞的心房。吃过饭后，大家都围着桌子吃着月饼，唯独我一人站在阳台上望着这一轮皎洁的月亮，仿佛我看见了我的父母在对我微笑说：“孩子中秋节快乐”此时我的眼眶变得红红的，一滴晶莹剔透的泪珠从我脸蛋滑了下来……

这时我才时白，为什么正维会说：“独在异乡为异客，每逢佳节倍思亲。”了。